Detainees & Prisoners

12-year-old sentenced to 4½ months in prison; probably youngest girl imprisoned in history of the occupation

3 March 2016, updated 4 May 2016

Update: On 24 April 2016, D. was released from prison after the IPS Commissioner announced, in response to a request by the girl’s parents, that she had decided to reduce D.’s time in prison by two months. The Commissioner’s response was issued after the case was publicized and garnered criticism in Israel and abroad.D. being released from prison at Jubara Checkpoint near Tulkarm. Photo by Oren Ziv, activestills.org
D. being released from prison at Jubara Checkpoint near Tulkarm. Photo by Oren Ziv, activestills.org

In the early morning of Tuesday, 9 Feb. 2016, D.W., a girl aged 12 years and two months, arrived at the entrance to the settlement of Carmei Tzur, carrying a knife concealed beneath her shirt. According to media reports, the guard at the entrance to the settlement ordered her to halt. A resident of the settlement who was passing by instructed her to lie on the ground, took the knife from her, and shackled her until soldiers came to the scene. The soldiers arrested her and transferred her for interrogation. A video clip filmed at the time of the incident shows the resident asking her whether she had come to kill Jews; D.W. replies In the affirmative.

In testimony given to B'Tselem field researcher Manal al-Jaabari, D.’s mother explained how she learned of the incident:

D.W. being arrested. Photo circulated on social media by “Gush Etzion Spokesman Group”

On Tuesday, 9 Feb. 2016, D. woke up just like on any other day. She made her bed, got coffee ready for her brothers, and put on her school uniform. She left home at about 7:40 A.M. and set off for school. I began to tidy the house and prepare lunch. At about 10:00 A.M. my brother Muhammad telephoned me. He was calling from work and asked me what was happening with my children. I said they were all where they were supposed to be. He did not say anything else and hung up. I wasn’t worried or concerned about this until my other brother Jamil arrived. This was about 10 minutes after Muhammad called me. He got out of his car and seemed pale and confused. I thought something bad had happened to my mother. I asked him whether he wanted to tell me something, and he said that D. had been arrested at the settlement of Carmei Tzur. Just then people arrived from the school she goes to, including her teacher. They asked me what had happened to D. and I replied that she had gone off to school in the morning. Her teacher said that she had not arrived that day. I was shocked and felt dizzy. I didn’t believe what they were telling me and what Jamil had told me just before. I felt as if I was dreaming. D. is a small girl and the settlement is a very long way from our home. How could a girl like that get all the way to a settlement in order to stab someone?

The teacher asked me to come with her to school because a Ministry of Education committee was waiting there for me. I went to the school with the teacher. One of the people from the Ministry of Education showed me a photograph of D. on his cell phone with her hands tied. Her face was blurred, and at first I said, “That isn’t my child.” Only when he showed me a photograph of her bag, I said that this was her bag. He showed me another photograph that showed her standing with her hands tied behind her back. I shouted, “That’s her!” I was stunned. I couldn’t come to terms with the situation and what had happened, and I left the school in a very bad state. I cried all the way home.

The Interrogation

The day after her arrest, D. was taken to the juvenile military court at Ofer for a hearing in the police request to extend her detention by six days for the purpose of interrogation. The hearing took place before Judge Lieutenant Colonel Hanan Rubinstein. D. was represented by Attorneys Tareq Barghout and Hamza Abu Mizar, who were appointed for her by Defence for Children International – Palestine. During the hearing, the police interrogator stated: “I am aware that the suspect only reached the age of criminal liability a few months ago. However, in light of the gravity of the offenses of which she is suspected, I will ask the court to acquiesce to the request.”

The minutes of the hearing clarify details regarding D.’s interrogation: She was interrogated twice during the afternoon, the first time at 1:30 P.M. and the second at 4:16 P.M. According to the police interrogator, the interrogations were undertaken by a youth interrogator. On both occasions she was interrogated without the presence of her parents or an attorney on her behalf. In the hearing, the police interrogator claimed that “in security offenses, there is no obligation for a parent to be present during interrogation,” and that “this is the guideline received from the police commanders in the Hebron District.”

During the court hearing, it also emerged that the interrogation of D.’s parents was the principal investigative action the police sought to undertake. The interrogator admitted that on the evening before the hearing, it had already been decided that such an interrogation was necessary. Despite this, however, the investigators had not taken the trouble to telephone the parents (the interrogator claimed that the explanation for this could be found in the confidential report). As if this was not a simple investigative action the police is obliged to undertake, the interrogator added that “if counsel for the suspect undertakes to send both her parents to Hebron Police today or tomorrow to provide testimonies, this will alleviate the investigation and help its expedition.”

In his decision, Judge Lieutenant Colonel Hanan Rubinstein refused to attach any weight to the fact that D. was interrogated on her own, determining that this matter would be discussed at a later stage. He accepted the interrogator’s comments that he had told D. that she had the right to be represented by an attorney and that he had spoken on the phone to her father, who had told him that he did not have an attorney. The judge concluded:

Parental presence is indeed a minor’s right, but it should not be said that an investigator must wait endlessly for the parent to arrive; rather, a reasonable period of time should be waited for him to arrive. It is unclear from reading the statement itself whether or not it was also explained to her father that he has the right to come, but naturally counsel for the defense retains all his arguments when a judicial proceeding is held after indictment.

The judge focused mainly on the question whether the release of the minor girl would disrupt the investigation. He argued that only the investigation of the parents was “subject to disruption,” and this “should be undertaken today or tomorrow.” The judge added that “the case is actually fairly ready for the preparation of an indictment.” In his summary, he wrote: This case involves a young girl aged 12 years and two months. The court notes her fragility and the expression of fear on her face, but this is not sufficient to negate the danger she poses, since the case involves an extremely grave offense the minor attempted, prima facie, to commit, without fear. In order to balance the needs of the investigation with the fact that there is only one investigative action that requires her holding in detention, I establish that the extension of the minor’s detention shall be until tomorrow, 11 Feb. 2016, at 5:00 P.M.

D.’s parents were interrogated immediately after the hearing. In her testimony, D.’s mother described the events of the day in court and in their subsequent interrogation:

I saw D. sitting in the defendants’ cage. Her legs were shackled with metal cuffs and she seemed pale. I tried to talk to her. She gave short replies and I could see that she was distracted. She was wearing thin clothes even though it was cold. She seemed shocked. At first the prosecution talked about D. and said that she is accused of attempted murder and she poses a threat to the security of the State of Israel. The attorney said that D. was interrogated without the presence of her father or mother.

We left the court and went to the police station in Kiryat Arba. We got there at about 3:00 P.M. and waited outside for about an hour. Eventually a policeman opened the door. My husband and I went inside. We thought we were going to see D. and they would interrogate her again in our presence, but we were surprised to discover that her father was actually interrogated for about half an hour, and then I was interrogated for about half an hour – all this without bringing her. We were interrogated by an interrogator called Salomon. He asked me about D., how she behaved at home, and what motivated her to commit a stabbing attack. At the end he asked me what television programs she watches and whether she watches the Al-Aqsa channel.

He asked me: “Does D. have an old relative or neighbor?” I thought this was a strange question and asked him: “Why are you asking me that question?” He replied that during her interrogation, D. had told him that she dreams every night about an old woman who comes to her in her sleep and asks her to go to the settlement to kill settlers. I asked the interrogator if they were planning to interrogate D. again, this time in our presence. He said that she was in women’s prison at the moment and they were not planning to interrogate her again.

The next day, a further hearing was held to extend D.’s detention, this time before Judge Lieutenant Colonel Moshe Levy. The military prosecutor, Captain Michael Rabber, asked the judge to extend the girl’s detention by six additional days for the purpose of filing an indictment. Captain Rabber did not clarify why he required six days for this purpose. D.’s attorney attempted to persuade the judge to release D. to an alternative to detention, instead of imprisonment, but the prosecutor rejected this possibility and claimed that the alternative to detention proposed by counsel for the defense – a closed hostel in Bethlehem – would not “obviate the danger accruing from the defendant.”

Judge Lieutenant Colonel Levy also noted that “it pains the heart to see a young girl brought into the courtroom from the detention center. I believe that children of this age should be in alternative frameworks, and not together with detainees in prison.” However, he added, “it is impossible to ignore the danger presented even by this young girl, in the case of an extremely serious offense she attempted to commit with determination and without any fear.” The judge ruled that the director of the hostel should be questioned in order to ensure that the hostel could indeed “obviate the danger.”

The Plea Bargain

The same day, the military prosecution filed an indictment against D. on offenses of attempted premeditated manslaughter and possession of a knife. After the indictment, the judge ruled – contrary to the prosecution’s position and after the director of the hostel was questioned in court – that the minor should be transferred to the closed hostel in Bethlehem, on bail of NIS 8,000, and with a third party guarantee of NIS 25,000. The prosecution announced that it would appeal against the decision.

Pursuing an evidence trial would have taken many months, during which time D. would have remained in detention or in the closed hostel. In these circumstances, D. had no choice but to sign a plea bargain. On 18 Feb. 2016, the two sides informed the court that they had reached a plea bargain and that D. had confessed to the charges in the indictment. Military law restricts the length of imprisonment – actual or suspended – that can be imposed on a minor under the age of 14 to six months. Accordingly, the sides agreed that D. would be sentenced to 4.5 months imprisonment, a suspended sentence of one and a half months, and a fine of NIS 8,000 (or eight months’ imprisonment to be imposed on her parents). According to the prosecutor, “the grounds for the plea bargain are the defendant’s clean record, her admission of guilt, and saving judicial time. We also took into consideration the defendant’s very young age.”

The judge accepted the plea bargain and added:

This case undoubtedly involves a young girl; no person and no judge can remain indifferent when hearing the remarks in court and when hearing the comments of the minor girl D., made in a weak, low voice. I have also heard the comments of the representative of the welfare services in the Civil Administration, who spoke of the problems facing this minor girl, an attention and concentration deficit that was evidently not treated at school. I have also heard the minor girl herself speak of the subjects she studies in seventh grade at school, her personal and family circumstances, and imposing a sentence of actual imprisonment on a minor girl at such a young age is certainly far from easy.

On the other hand, we must look at the actions attributed to the minor girl in the indictment. Unfortunately, over recent months the State of Israel has become embroiled in a series of grave incidents in which many minors have not hesitated to arm themselves with knives, even when they know that they are liable to be setting out to their death. Such events regrettably also end in the death of those injured by the blade of the knife… With all the regret that comes from placing a minor girl behind bar and bolt, apart from the fact that the defense and the prosecution have reached agreements, and the court does not generally deviate from these agreements, I hope that the minor girl understands today that she was liable to cause the death of a person, and perhaps also lead to her own death.

Thus ended the legal proceeding. Nine days after she was arrested, D. – who only recently reached the age of criminal liability – was sent to prison for four and a half months, in a proceeding she underwent completely on her own, without the prosecution being required to present even a shred of evidence to prove her guilt.

Minors in the Legal Proceeding

It is no coincidence that different legal systems around the world have introduced special rules for minors intended to protect them in the framework of the criminal proceeding. Coping with interrogation, detention, and disconnection from the family and the familiar living environment are all much harder for minors than for adults, and have more significant ramifications for the rest of their life. With this in mind, international law has granted minors extensive protections in the criminal proceeding, including the guiding principle that the incarceration of minors will always be a last measure to be adopted only in the absence of any alternative. Similarly, Israeli law establishes that minors under the age of 14 are not to be imprisoned, and in all cases action should be taken to encourage their rehabilitation. Israeli law also provides substantive protection of the rights of minors throughout the proceeding, from their detention through interrogation and the trial and on to the sentence.

By contrast, the military law enforcement system is based on opposite principles. The incarceration of minors in prison is the principal method for handling minors suspected of violating military legislation, and the few rights they enjoy in accordance with military orders can be relatively easily revoked on the basis of the extensive exceptions clauses in the orders.

By way of example, and contrary to the claim by the police interrogator in the first hearing to extend D.’s detention, military law requires the authorities to notify parents immediately regarding the detention and interrogation of minors. However, the obligation to provide such notice is conditional on the minor providing contact details. Even then, the law merely requires “a reasonable effort in the circumstances of the matter.” If after such an effort the parents have not been located, the notification may be waived. The law does not specify what will be considered such a “reasonable effort.”

The military order also obliges the interrogator to inform the minor that he/she is entitled to consult with an attorney. However, the realization of this right requires the minor to provide the interrogator with the details of the representing attorney, despite the improbability that minors will be in possession of such details. In any case, even if notification is forwarded to an attorney, this does not postpone the interrogation.

In view of this reality, it is clear that from the outset D. had no chance of receiving a fair trial in the military judicial system. Her fate was sealed in advance – from her detention through the interrogation, the court hearings, and the signing of a plea bargain.

It is impossible to understand the attitude of all those involved in handling D.’s case – police officers, military prosecutors, and military judges – to the fact that such a young child was being sent to prison. Even if some of them occasionally chose to mention the difficulty involved in imprisoning such a young girl, they all ultimately focus on the offense of which she was suspected, rather than her age. The interrogator’s claim that he informed D. of her right to consult with an attorney, without helping her to secure an attorney; the prosecutor’s reference to D.’s “clean record,” referring to a girl who only reached the age of criminal liability less than three months ago; the extension of her detention for the purpose of actions that in no way required this detention – these are just a few examples showing that those responsible for processing D. acted in a manner that denuded her status as a minor of any content.

Above all, all those involved in the proceeding showed an appalling disregard for the significance of every hour spent in prison by a 12-year-old girl, alone, far from her family and her familiar surroundings, and held with other girls with whom she was unacquainted. This is apparent, for example, from the inexplicable ease with which the police interrogator asked the judge to approve six days’ detention for the purpose of D.’s interrogation. It only emerged during the hearing that the principle investigative action required was to interrogate her parents – something the investigators could have done the day before, had they bothered to talk to D.’s parents before the hearing. The justice approved an additional day for this simple and brief action, although in reality the interrogation of the parents ended on the afternoon of the same day. The next day, the prosecution requested a further six days’ detention in order to prepare the indictment, despite the fact that the day before the judge had noted that the case was “fairly ready” for the preparation of an indictment. The court ruled that the detention was to be extended by four days. Since this decision was granted on a Thursday, and D.’s detention was extended through Sunday, the judge may have taken the weekend into account in his decision, as is often the case in hearings on the extension of detention. However, in light of D.’s age, the judge should have acted differently.

D.’s case is an exception: the military prosecution very rarely files indictments against such young children. Precisely because it is unusual, however, this case exposes the inherently problematic character of the military court system. These courts claim to function as full-fledged courts, and the judges often compare their work to that of the courts that operate within the Green Line. However, the two legal systems differ substantively, are based on different values, and seek to protect distinct interests. The Israeli legal system is intended to protect the interests of the society from which the defendants come. By contrast, the military courts are intended to protect the interests of the occupation regime. The judges and prosecutors are always Israelis – mostly soldiers in uniform. Their function is to enforce the orders of the occupation regime against the Palestinian civilian population, which opposes the continuation of this regime.

As such, the military legal system plays a vital role in facilitating the continuation of the occupation. As this system’s response to D. clearly shows, ensuring justice and protecting the rights of defendants – even in the case of a girl aged 12 years and two months – are at best a secondary factor in the considerations applied by the military prosecution and the military judges.

Suggested items

חיילים במהלך פשיטה על מחנה הפליטים אל-ערוב במחוז חברון. צילום: אן פק, אקטיבסטילס, 24.5.13

A Routine Founded on Violence

Occupation routine: Soldiers assault 16-year-old at al-'Arrub R.C., break his jaw and arrest him for 26 days

On Sunday, 29 November 2020, at around 8:00 A.M., two military jeeps entered al-'Arrub R.C. Earlier that day, two settlers who were traveling on the road near the refugee camp were slightly injured by stones. As the jeeps entered, children and youths threw stones at the soldiers. The soldiers fired tear gas canisters and stun grenades. One jeep followed the crowd and hit 16-year-old Muhammad Muqbal. He fell but then got up and kept running until the soldiers caught him. A soldier hit him in the jaw, and he fell again. Another soldier kicked him all over his body as he lay on the ground. The soldiers then handcuffed him and put him in the jeep. One of the soldiers kept beating him on the car ride. Muqbal and some other youths who were detained in al-'Arrub R.C. that day were taken to the Etzion police station, where they waited for hours and were interrogated intermittently. Muqbal’s basic rights were violated during his interrogation, which ended with him signing a document written in Hebrew, a language he does not understand. After the interrogation, the soldiers took the youths into a kitchen. One of the soldiers told them they could sleep on the floor. They were given no food or drink during this whole time. At 3:00 A.M., soldiers came and took Muqbal to Hadassah Ein Karem Hospital in Jerusalem, where he was handcuffed to the bed. Soldiers posted at the door to his room initially refused to let his father in to see him. Muqbal had jaw surgery two days later, and the next evening, 4 December 2020, he was taken to Megiddo Prison. On 6 December 2020, the military prosecution indicted Muqbal on two counts: Throwing a Molotov cocktail in March 2020 and stone-throwing on the day he was arrested. The prosecution asked to have Muqbal remanded to custody until the end of proceedings, but the military judge rejected the motion. The prosecution’s appeal was dismissed, and Muqbal was released on 25 December 2020, after a NIS 3,000 (~ USD 900) bail was posted. On 8 March 2021, Muqbal was convicted in a plea bargain. The first count of the indictment was dropped, and he was sentenced to 26 days in prison - equal to the number of days he had already served. The bail was converted to a fine. Muqbal’s case is not an aberration. It reflects the violence the occupation brings to the everyday lives of young males throughout the West Bank. Israel arrests hundreds of Palestinian minors each year, systemically and systematically violating their rights throughout the entire process - from the arrest itself, through the interrogation and in the legal proceedings at the Juvenile Military Court. While Israel boasts laws and procedures purportedly in place to safeguard the rights of minors, these are no more than a smokescreen designed to legitimize the severe harm caused to minors. Muhammad Muqbal described his arrest and 26-day incarceration to B’Tselem field researcher Musa Abu Hashhash on 28 December 2020: I ran fast, and one of the military jeeps hit me in the shoulder. I fell down and then got up and carried on running. I went into a house that had its door open. Three soldiers ran after me. One of them caught me and hit me more than once on the left side of the jaw. It hurt badly, and I fell on the floor. Another soldier attacked me and started kicking me in different parts of my body. The wound in my face was bleeding. I got up, and then they led me to the road, tied my hands behind my back and had me sit down in front of a closed shop. A few minutes later, they put me in a jeep and blindfolded me. I sat on the floor of the jeep. There were four soldiers in it, and one of them hit me, kicked me and spat at me more than once. The jeep drove for about 500 meters and stopped at the entrance to the refugee camp, by the gate. The soldiers took me out there, near the electric gate, and from under the blindfold, I saw four detainees that the soldiers had arrested before me, standing at the entrance. A man in military uniforms approached me and said he was “Captain Karam.” I’d heard about him. I know he’s the ISA officer in charge of our refugee camp. He hit me in the face with the butt of his rifle. He moved my blindfold and took a picture of me and the rest of the detainees. After about five minutes, we were all taken in a large military vehicle to the settlement of Carmei Tzur. We were kept there in the courtyard for about two hours. My jaw hurt, and it was bleeding. Then they put us in another military vehicle and drove us to the police station in Etzion. We got there in the early afternoon, and the soldiers took us into the courtyard. In the later afternoon, they started interrogating us, one by one. I was third in line. Before the interrogation, a lawyer spoke to me on the phone and told me I could exercise the right to remain silent and not to be afraid. An interrogator by the name of Yusef interrogated me. He accused me of throwing a Molotov cocktail at an Israeli bus a few months ago and throwing stones at military vehicles. I denied both accusations, and after ten minutes, the interrogator took me out to the yard. They left me there until the evening. Then they took me back into the interrogation room, and a different interrogator questioned me. He yelled and said I was lying. He started asking: “So the soldiers and camp residents who saw you do it are liars, and only you’re right?” I continued denying it, and the interrogator wrote down what I said and ordered me to sign my statement. He told me I was signing what I had said. I signed and gave my fingerprints, and my photo was taken. At around 9:00 P.M., after they’d finished questioning the other four detainees, the soldiers took us to a place that looked like a kitchen, in front of the yard, and one of them told us we could sleep on the floor. That’s when a military doctor came and gave us a coronavirus test and asked if we had any illnesses. We sat on the floor in the kitchen for about six hours. They didn’t give us food or drink, and we weren’t able to sleep either. My jaw hurt a lot. We were handcuffed and blindfolded the whole time, and time went by slowly. At around 3:00 A.M., the soldiers took me out of the kitchen. The others had been taken before. I was taken in a small vehicle with a four-soldier escort. I was sitting in the front seat, between two soldiers. We drove to Hadassah Ein Karem Hospital. I knew where I was by the sign at the entrance. I got there at about 4:00 A.M. I got tested for coronavirus again, and then I was given painkillers. Two soldiers escorted me. One of them was the one who attacked me during the arrest. I was taken into a room, and one of the soldiers tied my left hand to the bed. The pain was so bad I couldn’t sleep. In the evening, I was taken for X-rays and then brought back to the room. There was a patient from Jerusalem in the room, and he told me he’d heard the doctors saying in Hebrew that I was going to need surgery. After sunset, in the evening hours, my father came and tried to get in the room. He called out to me and asked me how I was feeling. The two soldiers kicked him out. He tried to get to the door every once in a while to ask me how I was doing and told me not to worry. The next day, Tuesday, I was taken into another room, and the soldiers were replaced. The new soldiers let my father come into the room for a few minutes and talk to me. My father told me he had signed consent for my surgery and told me it would be on Wednesday. On Wednesday, I was taken into the operating room, and the surgery started at around noon. It took four hours, and after, they took me back to the room. I found out the doctors had put in a fastener to put my jaw together on the left side. It stops me from chewing or moving my jaw. On Thursday, at around 8:00 P.M., I was taken in a vehicle used to transport detainees to Megiddo Prison with my hands and feet cuffed. In the prison, they took me into a room where I stayed by myself for four days. After that, I was taken into a room with five underaged detainees. I stayed at Megiddo for 18 days. I got soup to eat and painkillers. There were three court hearings that I attended through video. A lawyer represented me. Then, I was transferred to Ofer Prison, where there was a final hearing on 24 December 2020, which I also attended through video. It lasted more than half an hour, and the judge asked me what I would do when I went back home. I told him I’d go back to school. I couldn’t understand the interpreter that well because the connection wasn’t good, and I didn’t understand what the judge decided. They took me back to a room at Ofer, and I stayed the night there. In the morning, it was Friday, they told me I was getting released that day. I later found out I’d been released on a 3,000 NIS bail. That day, 25 December 2020, before noon, a military jeep took me to the al-Jib checkpoint, and my father was waiting for me there in a friend’s car and took me home. I still can’t eat properly, and I’m getting liquids only. A doctor at the hospital in Hebron told me it would take two more weeks before they remove the metal fastener. Muhammad’s father, Munir Muqbal, 47 and father of six, said in a testimony he gave to B’Tselem field researcher Musa Abu Hashhash on 6 December 2020, while his son was held in custody: The day after the arrest, in the early afternoon, I got a call from Hadassah hospital and got asked to go there to sign the approval for Muhammad’s surgery. They sent me an invitation, and I sent it to the Coordination and Liaison Administration. At 5:00 P.M., I got an entry permit. I went straight to Hadassah Hospital and went up to the seventh floor. I saw Muhammad in one of the rooms and tried to go in, but two soldiers who were in the room barred me from entering. I stood in the doorway and asked Muhammad how he was feeling, and he said he was okay. I tried to go in the room several times, but the two soldiers wouldn’t let me. I managed to take a picture of Muhammad, who was tied to the bed. I stayed in the hallway all night and tried to get some sleep on one of the chairs there, but I wasn’t able to. On Tuesday, he was taken to a different room, and the two soldiers who had been there were replaced by others. One of the new soldiers let me in and talk to him for a few minutes. I managed to take a photo of him too. His left hand was tied to the bed, and a patient who was in the room with him told me his surgery was scheduled for Wednesday. On Wednesday, at around noon, he was taken to the operating room. The surgery lasted four hours, and after that, he was brought back to the room, and I managed to talk to him for about 15 minutes. The doctors told me they had put in a jaw fastener, so he would have a hard time eating for quite some time. I expected Muhammad to stay in the hospital for further treatment, but to my surprise, the very next day, Thursday, in the evening, the soldiers took him to Megiddo Prison. I went home and got updates about what was happening to him from a lawyer with Defense for Children International. His mother and I are very worried because they took him back to jail right after the operation.

21 March 2021

עהד תמימי בבית המשפט. צילום: אורן זיו, אקטיבסטילס, 17.1.18

The Military Courts

‘Ahed Tamimi’s forced plea bargain clearly illustrates role of military juvenile court: Protecting the occupation, not Palestinian minors

The conviction rate in Israel’s military courts in the West Bank is almost 100% - not because the military prosecution is so efficient, but because Palestinian defendants reluctantly sign plea bargains in which they plead guilty. A new report published yesterday by B’Tselem shows how the measures that Israel has showcased over the last decade as examples of its improved treatment of Palestinian minors in military courts have little to do with the protection of minors and everything to do with public relations. In fact, the function of the military juvenile court boils down to signing off on plea bargains such as the one signed today. This afternoon, the military court at Ofer signed off on plea bargains for ‘Ahed and Nariman Tamimi. The plea bargains include eight months in prison and a fine. A new report published yesterday by B’Tselem, Minors in Jeopardy: Violation of the Rights of Palestinian Minors by Israel’s Military Courts, analyzes the changes that Israel declared over the last decade with regard to the treatment of Palestinian minors in military courts. The report reveals that while useful in Israeli propaganda, these technical changes have done nothing to improve the protection of minors’ rights. In particular, the role of the Military Juvenile Court, whose establishment Israel views as a landmark achievement in the protection of minors’ rights in the military court system, is primarily to sign off on plea bargains already reached between the defense and the prosecution outside the courtroom. Almost all minors sign the plea bargains, having been left little choice by the military courts’ detention policy: most minors are held in custody from the time of their arrest and until they finish serving their sentence. Carrying out an evidentiary trial from within prison is fraught with difficulties, and the defendants know that if convicted, they will be sentenced to prison anyway, as no alternatives exist. Even in the extremely unlikely case that they are acquitted, the time they spent in custody throughout the trial may be just as long, or even longer, than the time they will spend in prison under a plea bargain. ‘Ahed Tamimi’s case is exceptional only in that it garnered special media attention, but it is essentially no different from hundreds of such cases every year. According to figures the Israel Prison Service (IPS) provided to B’Tselem, on 28 February 2018 the IPS had 356 Palestinian minors in custody: 95 of them were serving a prison sentence, 257 were in pre- or post-indictment detention, and four were being held in administrative detention. While Israel claims to hold dear the rights of the Palestinian minors it arrests and puts on trial, the opposite is true: the rights of these minors are routinely and systemically abused from the moment of their arrest.

21 March 2018

The Military Courts

New B'Tselem Report: Violation of the Rights of Palestinian Minors by Israel’s Military Courts

B’Tselem today (20 March 2018) published a new report – Minors in Jeopardy: Violation of the Rights of Palestinian Minors by Israel’s Military Courts – which analyzes the changes that Israel said it made in the last decade, purportedly to improve the treatment of Palestinian minors in military courts in the West Bank. The report reveals that while serving as useful for propaganda, these technical changes have not improved the protection of minors’ rights. Israel continues to ignore the basic principles that guide juvenile courts within Israel and throughout the world, and especially the principle of “the child’s best interests,” and the understanding that incarcerating a minor must always be a measure of last resort. Israel has not introduced any changes to the early stages of the process – i.e., the minors' arrest and interrogation – although these phases are crucial to determining the minors’ fate. At these times, the minors are cut off from their environment and held without their parents or legal counsel, surrounded by adults who represent the occupying power. This continues in the interrogation, which is often carried out hours after the arrest, by which time the minors are hungry and exhausted. The interrogators subject them to threats, shouting and even violence until they manage to extract a confession from them, or allegedly incriminating statements against others. In 2009, Israel established the Military Juvenile Court, which it views as a landmark achievement in the protection of minors’ rights in the military court system. In reality, the new court changed nothing of substance. For one thing, the juvenile court does not hear requests to remand minors in custody, which are heard in the regular courts. Secondly, its function is primarily to sign off on plea bargains already reached between the defense and the prosecution outside the courtroom. This relieves the prosecution from requirement of presenting evidence to prove the allegations set forth in the indictments. Many defendants sign the plea bargains, having been left little choice by the military courts’ detention policy: most minors are held in custody from the time of their arrest until they finish serving their sentence. Carrying out an evidentiary trial from within prison is fraught with difficulties, and the defendants know that if convicted, they will be sentenced to prison anyway, as no alternatives exist. Even in the extremely unlikely case that they are acquitted, the time they spent in custody throughout the trial may be just as long, or even longer, than the time they will spend in prison under a plea bargain. Israel also claims to have shortened the length of time minors are held in custody in order to increase judicial review of their detention. In fact, this has driven up the frequency of remand hearings, in which the judges almost always remand the minors in custody. Increasing judicial review can only be meaningful in a system that exercises real judicial review of every decision regarding detention, and which views detention as an exceptional means that must be used only as a last resort. Yet the detention of Palestinian minors is standard procedure in the military courts, and presumptions set by the military judges mean the minors are remanded to custody in almost all cases. Hundreds of Palestinian minors are at the mercy of the military courts every year. According to figures the Israel Prison Service (IPS) provided to B’Tselem, on 28 February 2018 the IPS had 356 Palestinian minors in custody: 95 of them were serving a prison sentence, 257 were in pre- or post- indictment detention, and four were being held in administrative detention. Creating a false façade of a fair legal system that purports to safeguard the rights of minors tried in its courts serves a political goal: legitimizing the occupation and silencing criticism of it. In the military courts, and the military juvenile court is no exception, the procedures and orders are formulated by Israelis, with no input by Palestinians. They are implemented by soldiers, judges and prosecutors, all uniformed Israelis who represent the occupying power’s interests. In this system, Palestinians are always the suspects, defendants and convicts. With a conviction rate of almost 100%, the military courts can never be a neutral arbiter. On the contrary, they are one of the state’s major mechanisms of occupation, used to oppress the Palestinian population and quell any resistance to Israeli control. Behind this façade is a regime of occupation that has gone unchecked for fifty years, violently harming millions of people every day. No law, military order, procedure or sentence can obscure this truth.

20 March 2018