Agriculture

13 years of closure: Once a vibrant commercial center, Beitin near Ramallah has become a ghost village

The roadblock at the main entrance to Beitin. Photo: Iyad Hadad, B'Tselem, 4 October 2012
The roadblock at the main entrance to Beitin. Photo: Iyad Hadad, B'Tselem, 4 October 2012.

The village of Beitin, with a population of some 2,300, is located north-east of Ramallah, just off Road 60, which connects the district of Ramallah and al-Birah to the West Bank's northern and southern districts and to the Jordan Valley. The village is also located on a crossroads between Ramallah and al-Birah and the villages located east of the cities, with a population of 60,000 to 70,000.

Until the second intifada, the village thrived both socially and economically. Because of its vicinity to Ramallah and the large volume of traffic passing through, many businesses were established in the village and much money was invested in construction for residential purposes and in the development of medical services. The village population increased by hundreds of people who chose to rent homes in the village because of its convenient location.

When the second intifada broke out, the military set up roadblocks and checkpoints throughout the West Bank, which included blocking off the two entrances to the village: The main entrance was blocked with a metal gate and a dirt mound. The access road to this entrance goes to al-Birah and also leads to the road to the settlement of Beit El. The south-eastern entrance, leading to Road 60, was also blocked with a dirt mound. The military placed the DCO checkpoint on the road between Beitin and al-Birah, where it allows passage only to Palestinians who hold VIP passes and to staff members of international organizations. 

At present, the village is accessible only through the northern entrance that leads to the village of ‘Ein Yabrud. To get from Beitin's northern exit to al-Birah one must follow a 15-kilometer long route that snakes around nearby villages, instead of driving just one kilometer or so from the village's main exit to al-Birah. The cost of one-way public transportation from the village to Ramallah rose sharply from 2 NIS before the entrance was blocked off to 7 NIS after.

Closed shops on Beitin's main street. Photo: Suhair Abdi, B'Tselem, 18 June 2013.
Closed shops on Beitin's main street. Photo: Suhair Abdi, B'Tselem, 18 June 2013.

New businesses and residents who had moved to the village because of the convenient access to al-Birah and Ramallah left due to the roadblocks. About 25 businesses closed down and eight residential construction projects were put on hold. According to Head of the Village Council Diab Muhammad Badwan, about half of the village’s 1,000-person work force are currently unemployed. The rest hold office jobs in Ramallah or in business and agriculture in the area.

In 1972 Farid 'Abd a-Rahman Hamaeyl and his two brothers, of the village of Kfar Malik, opened a stone and marble business in Beitin. In 1996, Hamaeyl moved to Beitin with his family. In his testimony to B'Tselem, he described the success of the store provided him and his family with a good living until the second intifada broke out.

Farid Hamaeyl. Photo: Iyad Hadad, B'TselemThe road connected Ramallah to the northern West Bank and there was an incredible amount of commercial traffic on it.  Everyone used this road, Arabs and Jews. The state of commerce in the area was fantastic. Our store was very successful and I had a high income. My five brothers, our families and I – more than 50 individuals – lived off of the business […] This excellent situation carried on until 2000, when the second intifada broke out and the Israeli military started putting roadblocks and obstacles, which  began to affect our work and our income as well as our family and social connections with people in nearby villages. When the military completely closed off the main road to Ramallah and we couldn't even cross by foot,  commercial, construction and all economic activity in the village were completely paralyzed. Our sales went down by 90%. Even today there are some months in which we have no income whatsoever.

Farid Hamaeyl had no choice but to lay off his twenty employees, and two of his brothers went to look for work as paid laborers elsewhere.

The blocked entrances also harmed agricultural livelihoods in the village. Some 1,000 farmers in the village grew fruit trees such as apricot, fig, plum and grapes and would sell their produce in the Ramallah market, either on their own or through greengrocers who came to the village to buy the produce. After the village entrances were blocked, the cost of transporting the produce to Ramallah shot up and greengrocers stopped coming to the village. At present, no more than 100 people in the village earn their livelihood from agriculture. 

Diab Badwan, 57, head of the village council told B'Tselem:

Diab Badwan, head of the village council. Photo: Iyad HadadI used to plant fruit trees, like apricot, fig, plum and grapes. We took some of the fruit for the family to eat and I’d sell the rest in the Ramallah market. It would take me half an hour to go there, sell the produce and get back home without any trouble. It was a source of extra income for the family and helped pay for my kids' education.

In 1995, a new, modern medical center was established in the village to serve the residents of the entire area. It closed after the entrances to the village were blocked. Saber Hasan Daher, 100, the owner of the building in which the medical center operated told B'Tselem in his testimony:

Saber Daher. Photo: Iyad HadadI put USD 600,000 into this building, from savings and from compensation I got for thirty years of work in the United States, Jordan and Bir Zeit. We put some very superior finishes on this building.  The rent for an apartment in the building was USD 450 per month, and for a warehouse was USD 300. The first floor was rented by a few doctors who set up a clinic that specialized in many fields: ear-nose-and throat, surgery, chronic diseases, x-ray. There was also a lab. The doctors were planning to rent the entire building eventually. The center provided services to residents of the village itself and of nearby villages. Patients came even from Ramallah and other cities. I rented the rest of the apartments to people who worked in Ramallah, because Ramallah was just a few minutes away […]. Blocking the entrances has had a very serious impact on our lives. In a single moment, the Beitin road became a ghost road where you never see anyone. The renters started leaving one by one, and the building has been empty since 2003.

The blocked entrances also had a detrimental effect on education. Teachers who were not residents of the village left their jobs at the village schools. Before access was blocked, about 250 students studied in schools in Ramallah, which are considered better than the schools in the village, but because of the difficulty of getting to school, the number has shrunk to 100. 

The main road in the village is now deserted. Very few cars pass through and many of the businesses by the side of the road are closed. Buildings stand vacant and agricultural lands have been neglected. In addition, the blocked access to Road 60 has cut off Beitin from the village of Burqah to the south, severing the strong ties between the two villages. Students from Burqah studied in schools in Beitin; Burqah residents came to Beitin for medical care. The head of the village council described the effects that the blocked entrance has had on social ties with residents of nearby villages, which were often fundamental to residents' lives: "People used to come over in the evening, just to play cards, or visit. They don't anymore. People have a hard time getting in and out of the village and they only come for family celebrations."

DCO Beit El checkpoint. Photo: Suhair Abdi, B'Tselem, 18 June 2013.
DCO Beit El checkpoint. Photo: Suhair Abdi, B'Tselem, 18 June 2013.

The Civil Administration, citing security, has rejected all attempts made by village residents to have the entrances unblocked. In April 2013, Adv. Yadin Eilam of HaMoked: Center for the Defence of the Individual contacted OC Central Command Major General Nitzan Alon, demanding that all Palestinian residents, not just VIPs, be allowed to cross the DCO checkpoint. In the communication, made on behalf of the mayors of Ramallah and al-Birah and the heads of nine other local councils in the area, Adv. Eilam depicted the severe violation of the residents' fundamental rights, including the right to freedom of movement, freedom of occupation, property, education and dignity. On 22 August 2013, after no pertinent answer was received, Adv. Eilam contacted the State Attorney's Office stating that an HCJ petition would be filed. As of this writing, 9 September 2013, no pertinent response has yet been received.

• Testimonies collected by B'Tselem field researcher Iyad Hadad..

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Settler Violence = State Violence

Israel used the Gaza war to impose extreme restrictions on the annual West Bank olive harvest

The annual olive harvest in the West Bank is a key element of the Palestinian economy and a crucial source of income for tens of thousands of families. The World Bank and the Palestine Trade Center estimate that in good years, it injects almost 200 million dollars into the Palestinian economy. However, every year, Israel extensively restricts Palestinians’ ability to carry out the harvest, using official and unofficial means. In 2023, while the war in the Gaza Strip was underway, these restrictions reached new heights, leaving about 50% of Palestinian farmers unable to harvest their trees, according to estimates of the Palestinian Farmers’ Union.The main official measure Israel uses is the “coordination” system, conceived as the military’s response to settler violence against Palestinian harvesters. Instead of dealing directly with assaults by settlers, the military places the onus on Palestinians, demanding they coordinate access to their land in advance – ostensibly so soldiers can be sent to protect them. In practice, this system limits the harvest or prevents it altogether. Harvesting all the olives takes weeks, but the military enables farmers access to their trees for several days only. This means they are unable to harvest the entire crop or prepare the land for winter crops. At the same time, this system does not stop settler violence. Soldiers often do not show up despite prior “coordination” with the military; when they do, they do not prevent or stop the violence, often even joining in.In recent years, the Civil Administration allocated every community three days a year to harvest olives. This year, immediately after the war in Gaza broke out, even these few days were canceled. Several alternative dates were set, but bowing to pressure from settlers, the military canceled some of these as well, for example near the settlements of Elkana, Sha’arei Tikva and Etz Efrayim.The head of the Burin village council, Ibrahim ‘Umran, told B’Tselem that about 12,000 dunams (1,200 hectares) of village farmland, which covers two-thirds of all the village’s land, lie within Area C. On about 1,000 dunams (100 hectares) of these are olive groves with 16,000 trees. Residents were allocated two days to harvest their olives, on 25 and 26 October 2023, and both were canceled once the war broke out. ‘Umran says about 70% of village residents rely on income from the harvest and lost tens of thousands of shekels meant to support them throughout the year. As the expected income was slated for expenses such as rent, home construction, university tuition and the like, the restrictions this year have impacted them directly.1“Coordination” is also required for farmland that remains cut off on the other side of the Separation Barrier. The head of the ‘Akkabah village regional council, Taysir ‘Amarneh, told B’Tselem that local residents own about 2,500 dunams (250 hectares) of farmland west of the barrier, which they used to access daily through a gate in the fence. When the war broke out, the gate was closed. Residents were allocated three “coordination” days in late November, only after negotiations between the Israeli and Palestinian DCOs. This did not give residents enough time to harvest olives for private use, let alone complete the harvest, severely hurting their livelihoods.2Unofficially, harvesters are obstructed by settlers’ violent assaults. These attacks are permitted and backed by the military, with soldiers often takin part. For years, settler violence against Palestinians has peaked during the harvest season, yet Israeli authorities consistently refrain from taking preventive action as a matter of policy. This year, with the war in Gaza underway, the military has enlisted many settlers for regional operations in the West Bank. The settlers have used this power to block roads leading to Palestinian land and to set up roadblocks on agricultural roads, denying Palestinians access to olive groves near settlements.Settler attacks on harvesters have increased in both intensity and frequency since the war began. According to the Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs of the United Nations (OCHA), from the beginning of the war to mid-January, more than 440 incidents of settler violence took place – with scores of these assaults directed at olive harvesters. These incidents included settlers physically assaulting harvesters, uprooting large olive groves, vandalizing groves by breaking branches, sawing off trunks and torching trees, and stealing olives. Many of the attacks were carried out in the presence of Israeli forces. Settlers also threatened to harm harvesters on social media.The head of the ‘Awarta village council, Sa’ed ‘Awwad, told B’Tselem the village has about 2,000 dunams (200 hectares) of land, located near the settlement of Itamar, that the military does not allow residents to access without prior “coordination”. This year, residents were allocated only one day for harvesting, starting at 8:00 A.M. On the scheduled day, ‘Awwad was informed the start time had been pushed back two hours. When the residents arrived at their land, they found about 20 settlers harvesting their olive trees with several soldiers standing guard. They tried unsuccessfully to put an end to the theft and eventually left at around 4:00 P.M., while the settlers were still picking their olives and vandalizing the trees.3This year, as in previous years, the police have not investigated these violent incidents. In the most severe incident in the 2023 harvest, on 27 October, a soldier from the settlement of Rehelim on military leave killed Belal Salah, 40, a resident of a-Sawiyah, while he was harvesting his family’s olive trees. The soldier, who was suspected of reckless homicide and illegal use of a firearm, was released after a short time in detention and returned to his unit.This Israeli policy has caused immediate financial harm to tens of thousands of Palestinian families. For instance, the olive press in the village of al-Mughayir, which also serves the villages of Kafr Malik, Turmusaya, Abu Falah and Duma, produced only 20% of the average annual output this year – 60 tons of olive oil instead of 300 tons. The olive press at al-Mazra’ah al-Qibliyah produced only 500 kilograms of olive oil this year, instead of 150 tons.The 2023 harvest was especially important this year as the Palestinian economy is already struggling due to the war in Gaza – particularly because of the prohibition on laborers entering Israel and the Palestinian Authority’s suspension of public sector salaries.The systemic obstruction of the olive harvest this year, augmented by organized settler violence against harvesters and their property, is not unique to this time of war. It is part of Israel’s longstanding violent policy, which aims to cement the apartheid regime in the West Bank and allow continued expansion of settlements. Bezalel Smotrich, who serves as Minister of Finance and Minister in the Ministry of Defense, and MK Tzvi Sukkot, Chair of the Knesset Subcommittee on Judea and Samaria Affairs, have already said “sterile security spaces” should be created near settlements, where Palestinians would be denied entry altogether. This would clear the way for the state to take over this land and use it for its own purposes.Testimonies:‘Abdallah Na’asan from the village of al-Mughayir told B’Tselem field researcher Iyad Hadad:My family has more than 900 dunams of land with more than 8,000 olive trees on both sides of the Allon Route, which was always freely accessible all year round, and some near the outpost of Adei Ad, which you had to get “coordination” to access. We’d get between five and seven days of “coordination” each year. This year, after the war in Gaza started, Israel canceled everything. The army closed off all the entrances and agricultural roads, eight roads in total, with rocks and piles of dirt.We managed to sneak into our land a few times, but didn’t always evade the settlers’ aggression. They usually have a drone in the air and see anyone who tries to get close to the land. When they see us, they chase us or call the army, and then our equipment or vehicles are confiscated. So far, the army has confiscated two of our tractors.We put up a real fight through a village resident who works at the Palestinian DCO, and managed to get three days of “coordination” in early December to harvest the olives off the Allon Route. When we got there, we found all our fruit on the ground, which meant we couldn’t use it to produce edible oil or anything else because of the high acidity. Even if we wanted to make soap out of it, it would be very expensive and not profitable. That’s how we lost this season.In previous seasons, we produced about 40,000 kg a year from our land. Each kg sold in the market for NIS 30 (~ USD 8). We would sell in the village or on the Palestinian market, and would also export some to the United States. All that gave us a nice income. But this year, we made nothing. We didn’t even manage to pick olives for our own use, which means we’ll have to buy some to make up for the shortfall. On the other hand, we racked up a lot of costs cultivating the olives, buying fertilizers and pesticides and plowing – a total of about 300,000 NIS (~ USD 81,750). On top of that, we have labor costs. Every year, more than 30 laborers work for us during the harvest season. They also lost their income this year and were hurt. They support at least 150 people. We have 10 other laborers who work for us year round, and they were also hurt.After October 7, settlers destroyed our trees and lands. We saw the settlers from the shepherding farms spread out in the eastern part of the village setting their flocks to graze in our groves. The sheep ate the leaves and branches and destroyed them. That make the trees dry up and die, and it can two to three years for the trees to recover. We found out that bulldozers belonging to the settlers were used to rake our land near the Adei Ad outpost, where we have about 400 trees. When we went to file a complaint with the Binyamin police, a Jewish interrogator asked my uncle how we managed to take photos of the settlers, as if we were guilty.We also have an olive press which we started in the village in 2010. We work with farmers from al-Mughayir and the surrounding villages, such as Kafr Malik, Turmusaya, Abu Falah and Duma. The olive press’ operating cycle was always synced with the harvest season for 50 days, averaging 10 hours of work a day. It produced six tons of oil a day. We produced about 300 tons of oil in a season. This year, the olive press barely worked. We only managed to produce 60 tons of oil, which is about 20% of the normal annual output. Wasim Ladadwah from al-Mazra’ah al-Qibliyah told B’Tselem field researcher Iyad Hadad:There are about 100 people in my extended family and we own about 450 dunams of land, half of them olive groves. Unfortunately, our groves are close to the settlements of Nahaliel, Kerem Re’im, Talmon and Haresha. During the current harvest season, we couldn’t harvest the trees because soldiers and settlers – some in army uniforms – wouldn’t let us get to them.On 11 October 2023, residents of the town, including my family, tried to access the olive groves close to the town. These lands are hundreds of meters away from the settlements, and no coordination was ever required to access them. But when we got closer, soldiers and settlers attacked us. There were about 30 of us, with women and children, and they threatened us with weapons and scared everyone. They destroyed some of the ladders and work tools we brought with us. Some of the farmers tried again to sneak into their groves, but those attempts failed too, because the army and the settlers are spread out day and night on the hilltops. The soldiers watch around the clock to follow farmers who try to get closer to their groves, including with drones. They shoot to scare them.Our loss is enormous. Each harvest season, we would produce about 250 cans of olive oil, each weighing 15 kg. In total, we would produce 3,750 kg of olive oil. Each kg costs NIS 40 (~ USD 10) on average. We lost it all, and that’s just our family. Everyone in the village lost a lot of money. I know this because I am a member of several committees in the village and an agricultural activist.The town has 14,200 dunams of land, 7,500 of them on the western side of town, which is surrounded by the settlements I mentioned earlier. That’s where our olive groves are. You could say that this year, more than 90% of the town’s olive oil production was stolen from us. The olive press in town usually produces about 10,000 cans of oil each harvest season, which is 150,000 kg of olive oil. This year, it produced only 500 kg of oil because the olives could not be harvested. We didn’t even produce enough for our own use this year, so we’ll have to buy that too, if we can even find oil on the market. After all, what happened to our town happened to all the towns and villages in the West Bank.Take me, for example. My family would produce 20 cans of oil each harvest. We’d consume four cans, which is 60 kilograms, and I would sell the rest. It was a significant income for us. This season, I was left with only three bottles, which are five kilograms. Some farmers were banking on the harvest season to finance the wedding of a son, or the construction of a house, or university studies. Other farmers, who are poor, waited for the harvest season because the income from it is their only source of livelihood, and they barely survive on that.The consequences of this crime also affect the olive trees themselves. Fruit left hanging on the trees rots and draws insects that damage the tree. This causes diseases that can dry out the tree, killing it. Leaving the fruit also greatly reduces the yield the following season, sometimes by half.

14 February 2024

Beit Lahiya fishing port. Photo by Muhammad Sabah, B'Tselem, 26 Feb. 2018

The Gaza Strip

2018: Plight of Gaza fishermen after Israel’s gradual destruction of their sector

Since the Israeli navy confiscated my hasake (boat) I’ve been out of work and can’t support my family. Things in the Gaza Strip are very bad because of the blockade, and there are no other jobs available. I used to make about 20 shekels a day fishing. That enabled me to buy food and drink for my family. Now our lives are very hard. Tamer Zayed, Beit Lahiya, 27 August 2018 Tamer Zayed’s plight is not unusual. He is one of thousands of fishermen in Gaza suffering from Israel’s gradual destruction of the fishing sector in Gaza. Before it imposed the blockade on Gaza, Israel used to permit fishing up to 12 nautical miles from shore. Since imposing the blockade, Israel has changed the limits of the permitted fishing zone several times a year. As 31 Dec. 2018 it was nine nautical miles in the area south of Gaza City and six nautical miles in the area from Gaza City and northwards, up to the maritime boundary with Israel. Limiting the permitted fishing zone reduces the variety and quantity of available fish, harming the livelihood of Gazan fishermen. In addition, the Israeli navy routinely abuses fishermen, on various grounds. One reason alleged is boats sailing beyond the permitted area, even when fishermen use GPS devices and ensure they remain within the permitted boundaries. In the last two years, the navy shot and killed two fishermen, and injured dozens with rubber-coated metal bullets. Sometimes, soldiers even arrest fishermen and confiscate their fishing boats, known as hasakes. Israel also restricts the export and marketing of fish and prohibits the import of goods and gear essential to the maintenance of the fishing sector, for example, for repairing hasakes and engines. All this has led the sector to collapse. In 2000, there were 10,000 registered fishermen in Gaza; now there are about 3,700. In practice, only about half of the registered fishermen actually fish, as many cannot use their boats due to the lack of supplies to repair them or build new ones, or because the military confiscated the boats. About 95% of fishermen in Gaza live below the poverty line, which is USD 4.6 a day in Gaza. In 2018, the Israeli navy shot and killed one fisherman, Isma’il Abu Ryalah, and injured six with rubber-coated metal bullets. Also in 2018, the navy arrested 53 fishermen, three of whom had not yet been released in January 2019. It also confiscated dozens of hasakes after sea chases. In addition, navy fire resulted in damage to 32 fishing boat floodlights, three GPS devices and one echo sounding device that helps locate fish. In these pursuits, 121 fishing nets were lost at sea. Israel’s policy regarding the fishing sector in Gaza perfectly illustrates why its claim that it no longer bears responsibility for the residents and affairs in Gaza is divorced from reality. The fact is that Israel continues to control many aspects of life in Gaza, at times from afar, and sometimes on the ground. Its actions have caused the fishing sector to collapse and left fishermen in Gaza in dire straits. Ahmad a-Sa’idi, 40, a married father of two from a-Shati Refugee Camp in northern Gaza, has worked as a fisherman since he was 15. In a testimony he gave B’Tselem field researcher Muhammad Sabah on 16 January 2019, he described the difficulties he has encountered in recent years: Since I was eight, my life has revolved around fishing. I started working full-time as a fisherman when I was fifteen, along with my brothers. Back then, in the 1990s, we would sail up to twelve nautical miles from shore, which is the area where Israel allowed us to fish. There were fish of all kinds. We worked day and night. Work was good and we sold a lot of fish. We made a good living. In 2002, I got married and a built a house in a-Shati Refugee Camp. In 2000, after the Second Intifada broke out, the Israeli navy started gradually restricting us. They limited the permitted fishing zone to less than twelve nautical miles. After [Israeli solider Gilad] Shalit was abducted in 2006, the navy wouldn’t let us into the sea at all, for at least three months at a time. Then they reduced the permitted fishing zone even more, first down to six nautical miles and then just three. We didn’t know any more when we were allowed to fish and when we weren’t allowed to go out to sea. The Israeli navy kept limiting our access all the time, even though we have nothing to do with political matters. We’re just fishermen who want to make a living. In 2012, the Israeli navy arrested my brother and another three of my relatives who were working with my hasake, and confiscated it. I had to buy another one so we could work. Over the years, we suffered a lot of harassment by the navy: summer and winter, day and night. They chased us and fired at us from time to time. We had to work under very difficult conditions, which meant putting ourselves in danger. We were always afraid they’d chase us, arrest us, or confiscate our boat. Also, whenever there’s a war, Israel forbids us from sailing altogether. About a year ago, while I was out fishing with my nephew, the navy arrested me and confiscated my boat. That was when my life started going downhill. I was left with no way to earn a living and my family has nothing to live on. Since then, I’ve spent most of my time sitting at home or by the door to my house, watching people walk down the street and thinking about my life and how it came to a halt. This forced unemployment has also caused trouble between me and my wife, because we don’t have money. I can’t meet my family’s needs, such as food, clothes and the expenses of the new school year. We can afford to buy meat and chicken only once a month, and even that only if I manage to get work with other fishermen, sometimes for a day, sometimes for a few days. If I don’t get lucky and find that kind of work, we have no income at all. Even fish, which our diet was always based on, we now have to buy in the market. We have to buy fish! And even that, only once a month. We’ve become a burden on society. I get refugee aid from UNRWA, such as food items. I’ve become a beggar. I feel humiliated and wretched when I ask people for money. I used to never need anyone, but now we’re begging for help. Our financial situation is really tough, and there are no jobs in Gaza. Anyway, I have no professional skills other than fishing. The Israeli navy is holding onto my boat and has driven my family and me to poverty. Sadiqa a-Sultan, 65, a mother of nine from Beit Lahiya whose husband and sons are fishermen, related how her family copes day by day, in a testimony she gave B’Tselem field researcher Olfat al-Kurd on 31 January 2019: Until the Second Intifada began in September 2000, my husband, Ghaleb a-Sultan, who is now seventy years old, worked in Israel. After Israel cancelled the work permits, we used money we’d saved and sold a piece of my jewelry so my husband could buy a hasake and fishing equipment. It cost us more than 2,000 dollars. We thought it was a good idea, especially because we live by the shore. Since then, he and our sons have worked as fishermen. In the first few years, work was good. They would sometimes make 300 to 400 shekels a day. It was enough for the kids and us. That lasted for about six years. At that time, you could bring fishing gear into Gaza and the navy didn’t give fishermen a hard time. They didn’t shoot or arrest fishermen, or confiscate their equipment. The permitted fishing limit was twelve nautical miles. Things changed in 2007, when Israel began its blockade on Gaza. They started limiting the fishing zone to six nautical miles, and then it went down to three. The Israeli military started chasing fishermen, even if they were within those limits. My husband and children suffered from the new restrictions and from navy chases at sea. Sometimes they were shot at, and then they fled and left the nets out at sea. The navy would pull in the nets and confiscate everything. Because of things like that and the closure of the crossings, there was a shortage of nets and their price went up in the markets. The price of a net has gone up from 180 shekels in 2007 to 500 shekels now. Since 2007, the military has confiscated a lot of fishing gear from my husband and our sons. The first time was in 2009, when they fired at my husband and kids at sea. My husband and my son Ramadan, 43, were arrested. They were released that evening, without the boat and nets, which were confiscated. Four years later, they gave us back the boat without the equipment. But the boat was ruined and unusable. In the meantime, my husband took out loans to buy a new boat and equipment. The boat we could afford was smaller and simpler than the one they confiscated. In 2010, the military seized the new boat, too. In 2012 it took away yet another one we bought. The nets were lost at sea, but in the end they gave us back the boat in working order and my husband went back to work. He didn’t have enough nets, so he could only catch small amounts of fish. In 2016, the military confiscated our fourth boat. They still have our boat and nets. The nets cost us a lot of money. Every time they confiscated a boat, our financial situation got even worse. The scariest moments of my life are when I hear that fishermen have been shot at sea again. I get anxious and can’t relax until my husband and kids get home. In July 2018, they confiscated the boat we had bought in 2016, right after they took away the previous boat and fishing nets. Soldiers fired at the boat and confiscated it. That day, my son Muhammad, 26, and one of my grandsons, 22, were at sea. The navy arrested them two nautical miles out from the shore and let them go at one o’clock in the morning, but without the boat and nets, which they kept. Since then, we haven’t had the money to buy another boat and more nets. All these confiscations have hit our pocket hard and we have nothing left. We still owe money for the nets we had bought before. Even if we had money, we’re sick of buying equipment again and again, just for the military to confiscate. My husband is unemployed. Our sons have found work as hired fishermen. Sometimes, my husband says he’d like to buy another boat, but he’s afraid it’ll be confiscated. He sits at home and doesn’t get help from anyone. He’s really in a bad way emotionally. Things are very tough for us right now. I used to sell fish at the market. Now I have to buy fish there, and I don’t even have enough money to pay for them. Before they confiscated our last boat, we’d make about fifty shekels a day, because we only had a few nets. Now, with the kids working as hired hands, they make even less: twenty to thirty shekels a day. That doesn’t cover our expenses.

11 February 2019