The Gaza Strip

“Collateral Damage”?

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חיפוש אחר נפגעים בחורבות מבנה שהופצץ בעזה. צילום: מוחמד סבאח, בצלם

In its current round of bombing in the Gaza Strip, Israel has killed more than 200 Palestinians to date, about half of them women and minors under the age of 18. Hundreds of homes and other structures have been destroyed, electricity and water networks impaired and roads damaged, and tens of thousands have had to abandon their homes. Despite these figures, Israel continues to claim all its actions are in keeping with international humanitarian law and that it is taking every possible measure to avoid harming civilians. These claims are baseless. According to “the principle of proportionality”, a basic tenet of international law, parties to hostilities should refrain from launching an attack if the expected harm to civilians is excessive in relation to the anticipated military advantage. Of course, this principle is relevant only if the attack is aimed at a legitimate military objective – otherwise, it is unlawful from the outset, regardless of the expected “incidental damage.”

The principle of proportionality is amorphous. Meeting it requires making predictions based on assessments and partial information and striking a balance between virtually incomparable elements. Moreover, while international law requires the military advantage to be “concrete and direct,” it offers no definition of what that is, nor of what constitutes “excessive” harm to civilians. Given this complexity, applying this principle is not simply a matter of cold legal analysis but involves moral considerations as well. Any interpretation that reflects the spirit of international humanitarian law would be considered legitimate. The interpretation Israel offers, however, does not. It is unreasonable, legally erroneous and morally bankrupt.

One reason for this conclusion is that Israel bombed dozens of Gazan homes with their inhabitants inside in 2014, during Operation Protective Edge. Home after home, family after family – and, after 50 days, more than 500 people killed under the age of 18. Although the horrifying outcome was clear within days, Israel pursued this policy until the fighting ended, meanwhile claiming it was doing everything in its power to reduce harm to civilians.

When the fighting was over, the military law enforcement system employed its usual protocol for whitewashing suspected violations of international humanitarian law. The Military Advocate General ordered a handful of investigations, some into cases of homes bombed with the inhabitants inside. The investigations were closed with no further action after the MAG established, among other things, that the military had upheld the principle of proportionality: “When the decision was made to attack, the operational prediction was that the scope of expected incidental harm would not be excessive in relation to the anticipated military advantage.”

The MAG’s conclusion relied on a handful of strikes examined separately and without context. On this basis, he determined that the assessment that civilians would not be harmed, despite the glaring outcome of dozens of almost identical attacks over 50 days of fighting, was reasonable. Yet this interpretation – which is likely guiding the military in its current bombing of Gaza – makes no demand upon those responsible for the attacks to take every measure to avoid harm to civilians. On the contrary, it sets an extremely low bar for evaluating their decisions, taking into account only what they knew and not what they should have known given the circumstances. This interpretation empties the principle of proportionality of any real meaning.

In the current fighting, Israel has stated it warns civilians before launching an attack, shielding them from further harm by giving them time to vacate their homes. This is true of a few cases only, such as the airstrikes on high-rises in central Gaza City. In many other cases, Israel has not warned the residents – which explains the high death toll from bombings in recent days, including entire families killed within their homes.

When pressed, Israel blames Hamas for the harm to civilians and emphasizes its own efforts to take every possible measure to avoid or minimize such harm. If the warnings achieve their purpose and civilians are not harmed – Israel cites this as evidence of its caution. Yet if civilians are harmed – whether they received prior warning or not – Israel lays the blame squarely on Hamas for “using civilians as human shields”.

Clearly, this interpretation cannot be considered reasonable. It voids the state’s obligation to do everything in its power to ensure that civilians are not hurt, freeing Israel to act unimpeded, whatever the cost, while shirking responsibility for the outcome. Moreover, it focuses exclusively on the purported intentions of decision-makers – which cannot be examined without official information – while utterly ignoring the results of their actions, even when they are predictably lethal. The bombs and missiles that are currently killing Palestinians in Gaza and damaging their property are being dropped by Israel. Its refusal to change its policy despite the recurring lethal outcomes is why Israel, and Israel alone, is responsible for this harm.

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In the past, when civilians were killed in Israeli strikes in Gaza, state officials tried to pass it off as an unexpected outcome – the unfortunate result of some sort of mishap or of bad, partial or obsolete intel, and other such claims. This time around, the masks were off and such claims were not even raised. Instead, Israel maintains the action was legal despite the foreseen results. Israel’s vain attempts to justify the killings Israeli justification No. 1: It is merely legal “collateral damage” One of the claims Israel made was that the strike was legal under international humanitarian law, as it was “proportionate”. The ten innocent people killed were, therefore, simply “collateral damage.” The IDF Spokesperson, for example, said: “We carried out a very targeted operation here with a very clear message and a quality level of extremely localized collateral damage.” Amos Yadlin, the former head of the IDF’s Intelligence Directorate, explained that “the IDF and the ISA showed, through the targeted killing itself, an impressive capacity for precision strikes, in multiple sites simultaneously, with minimum collateral damage (harming uninvolved individuals is unfortunate but proportionate), based on extremely accurate intelligence.” But this assertion is baseless. According to the principle of proportionality, a strike would be illegal if the “collateral damage” it is expected to inflict on civilians and their property is excessive in relation to the “direct and concrete” military advantage the attacking party can expect to gain from it. The application of this principle is elusive and vague, since there are no set definitions for what might be considered “excessive” harm or what “military advantage” is, nor is it clear how a balance can be struck between such disparate criteria. Given this, when setting out to examine proportionality in a specific case, dispassionate legal analysis is almost impossible, and it is inevitable that a person’s worldview will inform a given interpretation. Still, as with any other legal principle, not every interpretation can be considered legitimate and there are certainly cases in which the question of whether or not a strike was “proportionate” has an obvious answer. An interpretation entirely divorced from the purpose and spirit of international humanitarian law – such as an interpretation according to which a strike the military launched in the dead of night on family homes is proportionate – is unfounded. If this interpretation is seen as valid, it is difficult to see what point or value is left in international humanitarian law, as it nullifies those protections granted to civilians. Furthermore, the question of proportionality is relevant only when the strike itself is legal, meaning aimed at a legitimate military objective. Otherwise, the strike would be illegal, regardless of whether or not civilians and their property were harmed. A “legitimate military objective” is defined as one that makes an “effective contribution to military action”, that its total or partial destruction of a legitimate target is one that offers the attacking side a “definite military advantage.” The attack that night targeted the apartments of three Islamic Jihad operatives. Their homes, and two others belonging to neighbors, were completely destroyed. Can the homes of operatives be considered legitimate military targets according to the above definition? The answer is clearly no, and Israel never tried to claim otherwise. No official said the apartments were the site of any sort of activity that made an “effective contribution to military action” or that striking them offered Israel a “definite military advantage.” Damaging the homes was not the objective of the strike, but an incidental outcome of it, making the entire strike illegal, before even taking into account before the extensive killing it caused. Israeli justification No. 2: Islamic Jihad operatives are to blame, as they hide behind civilians Another justification Israeli officials have offered is that Islamic Jihad operatives are responsible, as they choose to hide behind civilians. Thus, for example, IDF Chief of Staff Herzl Halevy said: “If we could, we would have operated without hurting uninvolved people at all, but we must remember – terrorists act from inside the civilian population and put Gazan residents in danger.” This claim is puzzling given that the operatives were asleep in their homes with their families, not engaging in military activity “from inside the civilian population.” But more importantly, it leads to illegal outcomes. Armed organizations in Gaza do violate international humanitarian law and make no distinction between military and civilian targets. This conflation subverts the most fundamental principle of humanitarian law, namely, reducing harm to civilians as much as possible and keeping them out of combat zones. According to Israel, this conduct gives it carte blanche to do as it wishes, releasing it from the obligation to obey the law and justifying the extensive harm it inflicts on the civilian population. This interpretation automatically justifies any action Israel wishes to carry out in the Gaza Strip, no matter how horrifying the consequences, absolving it of the duty to keep harm to civilians and their property to a minimum and draining all meaning out of the principle that one party’s failure to follow the rules does not release the other from its obligation to do so. Israel is the one that chose to fire the missiles that caused death and destruction, and therefore, Israel alone bears the full responsibility for harming Palestinian civilians and their property. Any interpretation that puts the responsibility for this action and its consequences on the Palestinians must be flatly rejected. Until next time: During the rounds of fighting that have taken place in the Gaza Strip in recent years, Israel has attacked densely populated residential areas from the air, ground and sea. Thousands of Palestinians have been killed, thousands more have been injured, tens of thousands of homes have been destroyed and hundreds of thousands of people have been left homeless. Entire families have lost their whole world in the blink of an eye, unable to protect their children or themselves inside their own homes. Though patently illegal, this policy is fully backed by Israel’s political, legal and military leadership. Thus, the air strike on homes in the Gaza Strip on the night of 9 May 2023 is not an exception or an aberration. As in many other cases, it was not undertaken as an act of self-defense, in the face of clear and immediate danger that could not be averted by any other means. On the contrary: Israeli decision-makers chose the timing, the targets and the means. They consciously chose to fire missiles at homes in the middle of the night, while families were asleep in their beds, knowing it was expected that many - including small children - would be killed. The legal opinions Israel provided to itself, clearing the strike, rely on an erroneous interpretation of international humanitarian law and a morally distorted worldview, both of which must be rejected. As with any crime, there are people who are criminally liable, including the Prime Minister, the Minister of Defense, the Chief of Staff, the Commander of the Air Force and the Military Advocate General. Not long ago Israeli officials were trying to claim the moral high ground by distancing themselves from illegal acts that blatantly violate International law. Such acts were described as having a “black flag” of flagrant “illegality that pains the eye and outrages the heart" flying over them. But nowadays Israeli decision-makers no longer even bother trying to hide the fact that for them, killing innocent people, including small children, is considered legitimate, not for lack of choice, not in the face of insurmountable, immediate life-threatening danger, but as the high road, as the culmination of a reflective decision-making process, by choice, by will.

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