The Gaza Strip

And now for the whitewashing

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רחוב אל-וחדה שהופצץ על-ידי ישראל בעיר עזה. צילום: מוחמד זענון, אקטיבסטילס

With Israel’s latest round of bombing in the Gaza Strip over, the standard whitewashing is likely next. Israel will probably soon announce it is looking into several “exceptional incidents” related to the bombings. A few months later, the Military Advocate General will conclude no breaches of the law took place, except perhaps in one or two cases in which largely symbolic action will be taken against the persons involved. He may also recommend minor revisions to procedures or to the military decision making process. This forecast is based on Israel’s past conduct in similar circumstances. Investigations are always carried out by the military, freeing government level officials – who authorized the bombing policy and ordered the use of lethal military force – from investigation or accountability. The senior military commanders in charge of implementing the policy and the MAG who provided a legal stamp of approval have never been investigated, either. As a result, no one responsible for this policy of repeated human rights violations has ever been investigated.

Investigations into previous rounds of fighting in Gaza were left to the military law enforcement system, which operates as a whitewashing mechanism. To the best of B’Tselem’s knowledge, these investigations have resulted, to date, in the following criminal measures:

  • After Operation Cast Lead, the MAG determined that legal standards had been met in all but three cases. In one, a soldier was convicted of credit card theft and sentenced to 7.5 months in prison and a demotion; in another, two soldiers were convicted of using a Palestinian child as a human shield and given a three-month suspended sentence and a demotion; in the third, a soldier was convicted of unlawful use of firearms for killing two Palestinian women (a mother and daughter) and given a 45-day prison sentence. This followed a round of fighting in which Israel killed 1,391 Palestinians – at least 759 of whom did not participate in the hostilities, including 318 minors under the age of 18 – destroyed more than 3,500 homes, leaving tens of thousands without shelter, and wreaked havoc upon other structures and infrastructure facilities in Gaza.
  • After Operation Protective Edge, the MAG found that the law had been upheld with the exception of a single case, in which three soldiers were convicted of stealing NIS 2,420. They were sentenced to two to four months of community service. Some of the cases are still in various stages of examination. This followed a round of fighting in which Israel killed 2,203 Palestinians – 1,372 of whom did not participate in the hostilities, including 528 minors under the age of 18 – and destroyed or severely damaged more than 18,000 homes, leaving more than 100,000 Palestinians homeless.
  • The military is still investigating the “March of Return” protests. To date, one soldier has been convicted of abuse of authority in a manner that endangers human life for shooting and killing a 14-year-old Palestinian and sentenced to one month’s community service. During these protests, Israeli security forces – mostly snipers – killed 223 Palestinians, 46 of them minors under the age of 18, and injured 8,079 with live fire.

While Israeli officials downplay the importance of these investigations, arguing all of Israel’s actions are legal, they do recognize the contribution they make to deflecting international criticism and possible intervention from the International Criminal Court in The Hague. This is especially relevant now, as the ICC Prosecutor has recently launched an investigation into Israel’s actions in the Occupied Territories – yet will not be able to proceed if Israel carries out its own reliable investigation and holds those responsible for violations accountable.

Calling what the Israeli mechanisms do an “investigation” is not enough. Common sense, not to mention the Rome Statute – the ICC’s constitution – distinguish real investigations from actions taken by a state that is unable or unwilling to get to the truth. Investigating a handful of low-ranking soldiers while ignoring those truly responsible for a policy and its results, including senior government and military officials, is a far cry from the standards of a real investigation.

Moreover, the official premise that Israeli actions are lawful is unfounded. Having legal advisors greenlight the bombings and the open-fire policy is not enough.

International humanitarian law (IHL) was formulated when states came together to find ways to minimize harm to civilians and spare them suffering in wartime. The legal opinions that Israel flaunts – which permit, for example, decimating entire families and bombing civilian infrastructure – are light-years away from achieving this aim. They empty IHL of any real meaning, relying on a manipulative, unreasonable interpretation that provides justification for massive harm to civilians and civilian objectives. Instead of minimizing violence, Israel’s legal counselors use this body of law to justify it.

Israel has again committed war crimes in the Gaza Strip. These crimes must be properly investigated and the persons responsible punished accordingly. This is crucial not only in order to achieve justice for the victims and their families, but in order to ensure that a similar policy, with such an intolerable price, is not implemented again.

 

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In the past, when civilians were killed in Israeli strikes in Gaza, state officials tried to pass it off as an unexpected outcome – the unfortunate result of some sort of mishap or of bad, partial or obsolete intel, and other such claims. This time around, the masks were off and such claims were not even raised. Instead, Israel maintains the action was legal despite the foreseen results. Israel’s vain attempts to justify the killings Israeli justification No. 1: It is merely legal “collateral damage” One of the claims Israel made was that the strike was legal under international humanitarian law, as it was “proportionate”. The ten innocent people killed were, therefore, simply “collateral damage.” The IDF Spokesperson, for example, said: “We carried out a very targeted operation here with a very clear message and a quality level of extremely localized collateral damage.” Amos Yadlin, the former head of the IDF’s Intelligence Directorate, explained that “the IDF and the ISA showed, through the targeted killing itself, an impressive capacity for precision strikes, in multiple sites simultaneously, with minimum collateral damage (harming uninvolved individuals is unfortunate but proportionate), based on extremely accurate intelligence.” But this assertion is baseless. According to the principle of proportionality, a strike would be illegal if the “collateral damage” it is expected to inflict on civilians and their property is excessive in relation to the “direct and concrete” military advantage the attacking party can expect to gain from it. The application of this principle is elusive and vague, since there are no set definitions for what might be considered “excessive” harm or what “military advantage” is, nor is it clear how a balance can be struck between such disparate criteria. Given this, when setting out to examine proportionality in a specific case, dispassionate legal analysis is almost impossible, and it is inevitable that a person’s worldview will inform a given interpretation. Still, as with any other legal principle, not every interpretation can be considered legitimate and there are certainly cases in which the question of whether or not a strike was “proportionate” has an obvious answer. An interpretation entirely divorced from the purpose and spirit of international humanitarian law – such as an interpretation according to which a strike the military launched in the dead of night on family homes is proportionate – is unfounded. If this interpretation is seen as valid, it is difficult to see what point or value is left in international humanitarian law, as it nullifies those protections granted to civilians. Furthermore, the question of proportionality is relevant only when the strike itself is legal, meaning aimed at a legitimate military objective. Otherwise, the strike would be illegal, regardless of whether or not civilians and their property were harmed. A “legitimate military objective” is defined as one that makes an “effective contribution to military action”, that its total or partial destruction of a legitimate target is one that offers the attacking side a “definite military advantage.” The attack that night targeted the apartments of three Islamic Jihad operatives. Their homes, and two others belonging to neighbors, were completely destroyed. Can the homes of operatives be considered legitimate military targets according to the above definition? The answer is clearly no, and Israel never tried to claim otherwise. No official said the apartments were the site of any sort of activity that made an “effective contribution to military action” or that striking them offered Israel a “definite military advantage.” Damaging the homes was not the objective of the strike, but an incidental outcome of it, making the entire strike illegal, before even taking into account before the extensive killing it caused. Israeli justification No. 2: Islamic Jihad operatives are to blame, as they hide behind civilians Another justification Israeli officials have offered is that Islamic Jihad operatives are responsible, as they choose to hide behind civilians. Thus, for example, IDF Chief of Staff Herzl Halevy said: “If we could, we would have operated without hurting uninvolved people at all, but we must remember – terrorists act from inside the civilian population and put Gazan residents in danger.” This claim is puzzling given that the operatives were asleep in their homes with their families, not engaging in military activity “from inside the civilian population.” But more importantly, it leads to illegal outcomes. Armed organizations in Gaza do violate international humanitarian law and make no distinction between military and civilian targets. This conflation subverts the most fundamental principle of humanitarian law, namely, reducing harm to civilians as much as possible and keeping them out of combat zones. According to Israel, this conduct gives it carte blanche to do as it wishes, releasing it from the obligation to obey the law and justifying the extensive harm it inflicts on the civilian population. This interpretation automatically justifies any action Israel wishes to carry out in the Gaza Strip, no matter how horrifying the consequences, absolving it of the duty to keep harm to civilians and their property to a minimum and draining all meaning out of the principle that one party’s failure to follow the rules does not release the other from its obligation to do so. Israel is the one that chose to fire the missiles that caused death and destruction, and therefore, Israel alone bears the full responsibility for harming Palestinian civilians and their property. Any interpretation that puts the responsibility for this action and its consequences on the Palestinians must be flatly rejected. Until next time: During the rounds of fighting that have taken place in the Gaza Strip in recent years, Israel has attacked densely populated residential areas from the air, ground and sea. Thousands of Palestinians have been killed, thousands more have been injured, tens of thousands of homes have been destroyed and hundreds of thousands of people have been left homeless. Entire families have lost their whole world in the blink of an eye, unable to protect their children or themselves inside their own homes. Though patently illegal, this policy is fully backed by Israel’s political, legal and military leadership. Thus, the air strike on homes in the Gaza Strip on the night of 9 May 2023 is not an exception or an aberration. As in many other cases, it was not undertaken as an act of self-defense, in the face of clear and immediate danger that could not be averted by any other means. On the contrary: Israeli decision-makers chose the timing, the targets and the means. They consciously chose to fire missiles at homes in the middle of the night, while families were asleep in their beds, knowing it was expected that many - including small children - would be killed. The legal opinions Israel provided to itself, clearing the strike, rely on an erroneous interpretation of international humanitarian law and a morally distorted worldview, both of which must be rejected. As with any crime, there are people who are criminally liable, including the Prime Minister, the Minister of Defense, the Chief of Staff, the Commander of the Air Force and the Military Advocate General. Not long ago Israeli officials were trying to claim the moral high ground by distancing themselves from illegal acts that blatantly violate International law. Such acts were described as having a “black flag” of flagrant “illegality that pains the eye and outrages the heart" flying over them. But nowadays Israeli decision-makers no longer even bother trying to hide the fact that for them, killing innocent people, including small children, is considered legitimate, not for lack of choice, not in the face of insurmountable, immediate life-threatening danger, but as the high road, as the culmination of a reflective decision-making process, by choice, by will.

14 June 2023