The Military Courts

Confessed? There’s no way out now

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מועתז ג'עפר חמד לאחר שחרורו. צילום: איאד חדאד, בצלם, 27.10.20

Mu’taz Ja'far Hamad, a 25-year-old Palestinian from Qalandia Refugee Camp, was arrested on 5 May 2019 at Qalandia Checkpoint with a bag containing two Molotov cocktails he was planning to throw at Israeli security forces. Hamad had a last-minute change of heart and turned himself in. He was arrested and taken for interrogation, where he admitted to previously throwing Molotov cocktails and stones at security forces in the camp. Following his confession, the military prosecution indicted him for offenses committed “about a year or so prior to the arrest.” In January 2020, eight months after he was arrested, Hamad was convicted in a plea bargain of throwing a Molotov cocktail and sentenced to 20 months in prison – 14 for this offense and six as part of a previous suspended sentence. He was also given another suspended prison sentence and a 2,000 NIS (~596 USD) fine.

This much is routine in the West Bank: thousands of such cases go through the military court system every year. Yet this time, there was a surprising turn of events. When the file reached the Israel Prison Service Release Committee, attending lawyer Asmahan ‘Abd al-Hadi noticed that in May 2018, when the prisoner had allegedly committed the offense he was convicted of, he was already in prison – serving a sentence for a previous offense.

Adv. ‘Abd al-Hadi requested a retrial. In its response, the prosecution insisted the information need not overturn Hamad’s conviction and that he must continue serving his sentence. In a military court hearing on the matter on 15 October 2020, the prosecution agreed – on the judge’s recommendation – to have Hamad’s sentence commuted and for him to be released that day. The prosecution clarified it was only conceding the defense’s request due to “several flaws” in the process.

This unusual development offers a glimpse into the inner workings of Israel’s military prosecution. Above all, it shows how little the prosecution or the military judges care whether the defendants actually committed the actions for which they are indicted. To them, a Palestinian is guilty even if proven otherwise.

From arrest to conviction

Hamad was interrogated twice after being taken into custody. In the first interrogation, on 6 May 2019, he explained how he had got hold of the Molotov cocktails, had planned to throw them at the forces at the checkpoint and then changed his mind. When the interrogator asked, “How many times have you made Molotov cocktails before?” Hamad replied: “Once in the camp, there were riots, and that’s it.” When asked when this happened, Hamad replied: “A year ago, I don’t remember the date.” When asked at whom he had thrown the Molotov cocktails, he replied: “There were riots, and the army was inside [the camp].” Hamad said he did not remember how many Molotov cocktails he had thrown, maybe one or two, and that they had hit the ground.

Two days later, Hamad was interrogated again, this time specifically about the Molotov cocktail he had mentioned throwing in the previous session. He told the interrogator he thought it had occurred when soldiers entered the camp to arrest a resident, whom he named, while other residents, including himself, threw stones at them. The interrogator looked up the man Hamad named, and at the end of the interrogation noted in the file that this person had been arrested on 30 October 2017 – roughly 18 months before the interrogation.

Based on this information, the military prosecution indicted Hamad on 20 May 2019 for two offenses, “throwing an incendiary device” and “throwing objects at a person or property”, noting both were perpetrated “a year or so before his arrest.” Hamad was then remanded in custody pending the end of proceedings – as is the norm in military court.

On 8 January 2020, after Hamad had been in prison for eight months, the military court was presented with the plea bargain the parties had reached, which cancelled the stone-throwing offense. As per usual, the prosecutor presented the details of the deal to the court and the presiding judge, Major Merav Hershokwitz-Yitzhaki, clarified to the parties that she was not bound by it. She read out the amended indictment, and defense counsel stated that Hamad understood what it said and was pleading guilty. The judge declared him convicted based on his admission.

In the sentencing decision, the judge wrote that “around May 2018,” Hamad threw a Molotov cocktail at Israeli security forces. In keeping with the settlement reached by the parties, she sentenced him to 14 months in prison for this offense. She also triggered a 12-month suspended prison sentence pending against Hamad, ruling that six months would be served cumulatively and six concomitantly. Hamad was sentenced to a total of 20 months in prison. He was also given an additional 12-month suspended prison sentence for five years and a fine of 2,000 NIS (~596 USD), or a month’s jail term in lieu. This concluded the legal proceeding.

Motion for retrial and the prosecution’s response

As detailed, it was later discovered that in May 2018, when Hamad allegedly committed the offense for which he was convicted, he was in prison for another offense. According to his criminal record, which was part of the investigation file and available to the prosecution and the judge, Hamad was incarcerated from 17 December 2017 to 10 August 2018, and again from 27 September 2018 to 12 November 2018.

Adv. Asmahan ‘Abd al-Hadi filed a motion with the military court for a retrial under Section 157 of the Order regarding Security Provisions. She argued this was significant evidence that could “alter the outcome of the trial in the defendant’s favor” and that there was concern over a possible “miscarriage of justice,” as the evidence in the file was insufficient to support a conviction.

The prosecution chose not to retract the indictment following this embarrassing discovery. Instead, it filed a long, detailed response insisting the motion for a retrial was baseless and should be dismissed out of hand. The prosecution’s grounds were largely procedural: first, the applicant should have filed an appeal rather than a motion for a retrial; second, the motion was “delayed”.

The prosecution did also address the matter itself, essentially clarifying that it held Hamad’s confession regarding the offense for which he was indicted as enough for a conviction. The fact that he was serving a previous sentence in prison at the time the current sentence stated he had committed the offense was, according to the prosecution, immaterial at that point. According to the prosecution, “the conviction is the result of his admission in court of what was attributed to him. The applicant gave his admission voluntarily, while represented by counsel in the proceeding.” While there may be cases, albeit extremely rare, in which a person may retract a confession, this was not one of them, as “he presented no evidence that his confession was flawed” – namely, proof that his confession was not made freely, that it was given unlawfully, or that he was misrepresented by counsel.

In any event, the prosecution stressed, the discovery that he was in prison in May 2018 was no reason to acquit him. The evidence was not new (as he knew he had been in prison in May 2018 all along), it lacked “critical mass” and did not constitute “evidence and facts that may tip the scale” or had “gravity that could alter the outcome of the trial in favor of the applicant” – all conditions cited in case law on motions for retrial.

The main reason the prosecution took the matter so lightly is, it transpired, it did not take a firm stand on the date the indictment alleged Hamad carried out the offense, a date later confirmed in the sentencing decision. The prosecution maintains that “although May 2018 is a possible date, there are other dates” and that “assuming the exact date on which the offense was committed could only have been in May 2018” is patently unacceptable. The prosecution claims that “there were many dates over the course of that year in which he was not incarcerated and could have committed the offense.”

In its response to the court, the prosecution practically griped about the fact that Hamad did not provide the exact date of the alleged offense, noting he had been interrogated twice but “did not, in either interrogation, provide an account from which the exact time at which the offense was committed could be gleaned,” and instead “gave only an estimated timeframe.” The prosecution noted that in the first interrogation, Hamad said the incident took place “a year ago, I can’t remember the date,” and in the second interrogation, he said it took place during the arrest of a camp resident, who, inquiries found, had been arrested about 18 months prior to Hamad’s arrest. The prosecution stressed that the contradictory information merely indicated “the applicant’s confusion about the exact date of the riot, but not about whether the riot and the Molotov cocktail throwing actually occurred.”

In a hearing held at the Military Court of Appeals on 15 October 2020 before the president of the court, Colonel Netanel Benisho, the parties reached an agreement that Hamad would be released but not acquitted. The entire affair was a game of pretend: parties would agree that a motion for an extension of time to appeal had been filed; they would consent for the motion to be granted; and they would consent that in the appeal, the court would agree to commute the sentence so that it ended on the day of the hearing. The prosecutor stressed: “Our consent does not rely on accepting the arguments made by the defense with respect to a retrial, but on several flaws in the interrogation and legal process.”

Based on this consent, Col. Benisho decided as follows:

Having heard parties’ arguments in the matter, and in light of my assessment that the motion and the consent given serve justice and the appellant’s interests to the utmost degree, and given certain flaws that occurred during the interrogation and prosecution process, I hereby grant the motion for extension of time to appeal. I also accept the agreement reached by parties with respect to the appeal, such that the appellant’s total prison sentence would be replaced with a prison sentence corresponding to the number of days he had been imprisoned since his arrest, namely, one year, five months and eleven days… The appellant would additionally be required to pay a fine amounting to 1,000 NIS.

This is routine.

Hamad’s case is unusual only in starkly laying bare how the military justice system routinely operates: how thin the prosecution’s supporting materials are, how marginal the role of the judges is, and, mostly, how immaterial truth is in these legal proceedings, and what little need the prosecution and the judges have of evidence in order to convict a defendant.

In Hamad’s case, the prosecution had no independent knowledge of an offense. All it had to go on was several fragmented – and contradictory – statements by Hamad in two separate interrogation sessions. Yet the prosecution never attempted to obtain corroborating information, such as documentation of the incident by security forces, or to cross-reference Hamad’s prison terms against the possible dates of the alleged offense. It apparently saw no need to obtain proof of guilt, as a confession was deemed enough. From that point on, the rest was mere formality: filing an indictment, filing a motion for remand pending the end of proceedings, and ironing out the details of a plea bargain.

Courts within Israel also ascribe great importance to admissions of guilt, partly based on the assumption that people do not incriminate themselves for things they did not do. This assumption, however, has been sharply criticized in both Israeli jurisprudence and legal literature. For instance, in December 1994, when the Goldberg Commission published its recommendations regarding convictions based solely on confessions, it found that “the notion that a defendant’s admission of guilt during interrogation is the ‘queen of evidence’ must be taken with a grain of salt, and the presumption that no man makes themselves out to be evil in the sense that no one would incriminate themselves if they were innocent cannot be accepted as a legal presumption.” Accordingly, the commission established that the weight of a confession, even if obtained lawfully, is equal to any other evidence, and a defendant can be convicted on the basis of a confession only if “there is something else as well.”

Relying on Hamad’s confession was even more extreme than in most cases, as the prosecution was given proof that he could not have committed the offense at the time cited in the indictment and the sentencing decision. Yet the prosecution continued to rely solely on the confession. It did not balk at arguing that the judge had cited the wrong date in the sentencing – even though the prosecution never bothered to correct this error. The prosecution even half-heartedly admitted that it should have worded the indictment differently and possibly taken additional investigative steps – yet stressed that not doing so did not undermine Hamad’s confession. To justify its wording, the prosecution went so far as to empty the term “or so” of meaning, arguing it was broad enough to cover months before or after the cited date – essentially, an indefinable timeline.

The question when or even whether Hamad committed the alleged offense – the answer to which is a key element in an offense – is apparently irrelevant. As far as the prosecution is concerned, Hamad’s confession, as unsubstantiated as it may be, was enough to prove him guilty. In fact, it is not clear how the prosecution thinks this evidence could be overcome, as given the position taken, even unequivocal evidence that he could not have committed the offense cited in the indictment has no effect whatsoever.

The chain of events in Hamad’s case is not an aberration. It highlights what happens in thousands of cases every year. What this case shows is how a person can be sent to prison without any proof of guilt. In the vast majority of cases, military judges grant the prosecution’s requests for remand in custody, paying little or no attention to the evidence presented. This means Palestinians must mount their defense from prison, which drives most of them to sign plea bargains. An actual trial is extremely rare. Defendants know full well that if they choose to go to trial, even if they are eventually acquitted – a rarity in itself in this system – they would spend more time in prison than if they took a plea bargain.

What chance did Hamad stand of a fair trial? The military court system may look like a justice system for all intents and purposes. In fact, it is one of the most injurious mechanisms Israel uses to maintain control over the Palestinians. Hamad’s absurd conviction and the conduct of the military prosecution and judges throughout the proceedings show just how meaningless facts are in this system. They also reveal that the incarceration of Palestinians by the occupation authorities is entirely arbitrary: indictment, conviction and incarceration are completely independent of whether an offense was committed and whether this was proven in court. They depend only on whether Israel decided a certain Palestinian should go to jail.

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חיילים במהלך פשיטה על מחנה הפליטים אל-ערוב במחוז חברון. צילום: אן פק, אקטיבסטילס, 24.5.13

A Routine Founded on Violence

Occupation routine: Soldiers assault 16-year-old at al-'Arrub R.C., break his jaw and arrest him for 26 days

On Sunday, 29 November 2020, at around 8:00 A.M., two military jeeps entered al-'Arrub R.C. Earlier that day, two settlers who were traveling on the road near the refugee camp were slightly injured by stones. As the jeeps entered, children and youths threw stones at the soldiers. The soldiers fired tear gas canisters and stun grenades. One jeep followed the crowd and hit 16-year-old Muhammad Muqbal. He fell but then got up and kept running until the soldiers caught him. A soldier hit him in the jaw, and he fell again. Another soldier kicked him all over his body as he lay on the ground. The soldiers then handcuffed him and put him in the jeep. One of the soldiers kept beating him on the car ride. Muqbal and some other youths who were detained in al-'Arrub R.C. that day were taken to the Etzion police station, where they waited for hours and were interrogated intermittently. Muqbal’s basic rights were violated during his interrogation, which ended with him signing a document written in Hebrew, a language he does not understand. After the interrogation, the soldiers took the youths into a kitchen. One of the soldiers told them they could sleep on the floor. They were given no food or drink during this whole time. At 3:00 A.M., soldiers came and took Muqbal to Hadassah Ein Karem Hospital in Jerusalem, where he was handcuffed to the bed. Soldiers posted at the door to his room initially refused to let his father in to see him. Muqbal had jaw surgery two days later, and the next evening, 4 December 2020, he was taken to Megiddo Prison. On 6 December 2020, the military prosecution indicted Muqbal on two counts: Throwing a Molotov cocktail in March 2020 and stone-throwing on the day he was arrested. The prosecution asked to have Muqbal remanded to custody until the end of proceedings, but the military judge rejected the motion. The prosecution’s appeal was dismissed, and Muqbal was released on 25 December 2020, after a NIS 3,000 (~ USD 900) bail was posted. On 8 March 2021, Muqbal was convicted in a plea bargain. The first count of the indictment was dropped, and he was sentenced to 26 days in prison - equal to the number of days he had already served. The bail was converted to a fine. Muqbal’s case is not an aberration. It reflects the violence the occupation brings to the everyday lives of young males throughout the West Bank. Israel arrests hundreds of Palestinian minors each year, systemically and systematically violating their rights throughout the entire process - from the arrest itself, through the interrogation and in the legal proceedings at the Juvenile Military Court. While Israel boasts laws and procedures purportedly in place to safeguard the rights of minors, these are no more than a smokescreen designed to legitimize the severe harm caused to minors. Muhammad Muqbal described his arrest and 26-day incarceration to B’Tselem field researcher Musa Abu Hashhash on 28 December 2020: I ran fast, and one of the military jeeps hit me in the shoulder. I fell down and then got up and carried on running. I went into a house that had its door open. Three soldiers ran after me. One of them caught me and hit me more than once on the left side of the jaw. It hurt badly, and I fell on the floor. Another soldier attacked me and started kicking me in different parts of my body. The wound in my face was bleeding. I got up, and then they led me to the road, tied my hands behind my back and had me sit down in front of a closed shop. A few minutes later, they put me in a jeep and blindfolded me. I sat on the floor of the jeep. There were four soldiers in it, and one of them hit me, kicked me and spat at me more than once. The jeep drove for about 500 meters and stopped at the entrance to the refugee camp, by the gate. The soldiers took me out there, near the electric gate, and from under the blindfold, I saw four detainees that the soldiers had arrested before me, standing at the entrance. A man in military uniforms approached me and said he was “Captain Karam.” I’d heard about him. I know he’s the ISA officer in charge of our refugee camp. He hit me in the face with the butt of his rifle. He moved my blindfold and took a picture of me and the rest of the detainees. After about five minutes, we were all taken in a large military vehicle to the settlement of Carmei Tzur. We were kept there in the courtyard for about two hours. My jaw hurt, and it was bleeding. Then they put us in another military vehicle and drove us to the police station in Etzion. We got there in the early afternoon, and the soldiers took us into the courtyard. In the later afternoon, they started interrogating us, one by one. I was third in line. Before the interrogation, a lawyer spoke to me on the phone and told me I could exercise the right to remain silent and not to be afraid. An interrogator by the name of Yusef interrogated me. He accused me of throwing a Molotov cocktail at an Israeli bus a few months ago and throwing stones at military vehicles. I denied both accusations, and after ten minutes, the interrogator took me out to the yard. They left me there until the evening. Then they took me back into the interrogation room, and a different interrogator questioned me. He yelled and said I was lying. He started asking: “So the soldiers and camp residents who saw you do it are liars, and only you’re right?” I continued denying it, and the interrogator wrote down what I said and ordered me to sign my statement. He told me I was signing what I had said. I signed and gave my fingerprints, and my photo was taken. At around 9:00 P.M., after they’d finished questioning the other four detainees, the soldiers took us to a place that looked like a kitchen, in front of the yard, and one of them told us we could sleep on the floor. That’s when a military doctor came and gave us a coronavirus test and asked if we had any illnesses. We sat on the floor in the kitchen for about six hours. They didn’t give us food or drink, and we weren’t able to sleep either. My jaw hurt a lot. We were handcuffed and blindfolded the whole time, and time went by slowly. At around 3:00 A.M., the soldiers took me out of the kitchen. The others had been taken before. I was taken in a small vehicle with a four-soldier escort. I was sitting in the front seat, between two soldiers. We drove to Hadassah Ein Karem Hospital. I knew where I was by the sign at the entrance. I got there at about 4:00 A.M. I got tested for coronavirus again, and then I was given painkillers. Two soldiers escorted me. One of them was the one who attacked me during the arrest. I was taken into a room, and one of the soldiers tied my left hand to the bed. The pain was so bad I couldn’t sleep. In the evening, I was taken for X-rays and then brought back to the room. There was a patient from Jerusalem in the room, and he told me he’d heard the doctors saying in Hebrew that I was going to need surgery. After sunset, in the evening hours, my father came and tried to get in the room. He called out to me and asked me how I was feeling. The two soldiers kicked him out. He tried to get to the door every once in a while to ask me how I was doing and told me not to worry. The next day, Tuesday, I was taken into another room, and the soldiers were replaced. The new soldiers let my father come into the room for a few minutes and talk to me. My father told me he had signed consent for my surgery and told me it would be on Wednesday. On Wednesday, I was taken into the operating room, and the surgery started at around noon. It took four hours, and after, they took me back to the room. I found out the doctors had put in a fastener to put my jaw together on the left side. It stops me from chewing or moving my jaw. On Thursday, at around 8:00 P.M., I was taken in a vehicle used to transport detainees to Megiddo Prison with my hands and feet cuffed. In the prison, they took me into a room where I stayed by myself for four days. After that, I was taken into a room with five underaged detainees. I stayed at Megiddo for 18 days. I got soup to eat and painkillers. There were three court hearings that I attended through video. A lawyer represented me. Then, I was transferred to Ofer Prison, where there was a final hearing on 24 December 2020, which I also attended through video. It lasted more than half an hour, and the judge asked me what I would do when I went back home. I told him I’d go back to school. I couldn’t understand the interpreter that well because the connection wasn’t good, and I didn’t understand what the judge decided. They took me back to a room at Ofer, and I stayed the night there. In the morning, it was Friday, they told me I was getting released that day. I later found out I’d been released on a 3,000 NIS bail. That day, 25 December 2020, before noon, a military jeep took me to the al-Jib checkpoint, and my father was waiting for me there in a friend’s car and took me home. I still can’t eat properly, and I’m getting liquids only. A doctor at the hospital in Hebron told me it would take two more weeks before they remove the metal fastener. Muhammad’s father, Munir Muqbal, 47 and father of six, said in a testimony he gave to B’Tselem field researcher Musa Abu Hashhash on 6 December 2020, while his son was held in custody: The day after the arrest, in the early afternoon, I got a call from Hadassah hospital and got asked to go there to sign the approval for Muhammad’s surgery. They sent me an invitation, and I sent it to the Coordination and Liaison Administration. At 5:00 P.M., I got an entry permit. I went straight to Hadassah Hospital and went up to the seventh floor. I saw Muhammad in one of the rooms and tried to go in, but two soldiers who were in the room barred me from entering. I stood in the doorway and asked Muhammad how he was feeling, and he said he was okay. I tried to go in the room several times, but the two soldiers wouldn’t let me. I managed to take a picture of Muhammad, who was tied to the bed. I stayed in the hallway all night and tried to get some sleep on one of the chairs there, but I wasn’t able to. On Tuesday, he was taken to a different room, and the two soldiers who had been there were replaced by others. One of the new soldiers let me in and talk to him for a few minutes. I managed to take a photo of him too. His left hand was tied to the bed, and a patient who was in the room with him told me his surgery was scheduled for Wednesday. On Wednesday, at around noon, he was taken to the operating room. The surgery lasted four hours, and after that, he was brought back to the room, and I managed to talk to him for about 15 minutes. The doctors told me they had put in a jaw fastener, so he would have a hard time eating for quite some time. I expected Muhammad to stay in the hospital for further treatment, but to my surprise, the very next day, Thursday, in the evening, the soldiers took him to Megiddo Prison. I went home and got updates about what was happening to him from a lawyer with Defense for Children International. His mother and I are very worried because they took him back to jail right after the operation.

21 March 2021

עהד תמימי בבית המשפט. צילום: אורן זיו, אקטיבסטילס, 17.1.18

The Military Courts

‘Ahed Tamimi’s forced plea bargain clearly illustrates role of military juvenile court: Protecting the occupation, not Palestinian minors

The conviction rate in Israel’s military courts in the West Bank is almost 100% - not because the military prosecution is so efficient, but because Palestinian defendants reluctantly sign plea bargains in which they plead guilty. A new report published yesterday by B’Tselem shows how the measures that Israel has showcased over the last decade as examples of its improved treatment of Palestinian minors in military courts have little to do with the protection of minors and everything to do with public relations. In fact, the function of the military juvenile court boils down to signing off on plea bargains such as the one signed today. This afternoon, the military court at Ofer signed off on plea bargains for ‘Ahed and Nariman Tamimi. The plea bargains include eight months in prison and a fine. A new report published yesterday by B’Tselem, Minors in Jeopardy: Violation of the Rights of Palestinian Minors by Israel’s Military Courts, analyzes the changes that Israel declared over the last decade with regard to the treatment of Palestinian minors in military courts. The report reveals that while useful in Israeli propaganda, these technical changes have done nothing to improve the protection of minors’ rights. In particular, the role of the Military Juvenile Court, whose establishment Israel views as a landmark achievement in the protection of minors’ rights in the military court system, is primarily to sign off on plea bargains already reached between the defense and the prosecution outside the courtroom. Almost all minors sign the plea bargains, having been left little choice by the military courts’ detention policy: most minors are held in custody from the time of their arrest and until they finish serving their sentence. Carrying out an evidentiary trial from within prison is fraught with difficulties, and the defendants know that if convicted, they will be sentenced to prison anyway, as no alternatives exist. Even in the extremely unlikely case that they are acquitted, the time they spent in custody throughout the trial may be just as long, or even longer, than the time they will spend in prison under a plea bargain. ‘Ahed Tamimi’s case is exceptional only in that it garnered special media attention, but it is essentially no different from hundreds of such cases every year. According to figures the Israel Prison Service (IPS) provided to B’Tselem, on 28 February 2018 the IPS had 356 Palestinian minors in custody: 95 of them were serving a prison sentence, 257 were in pre- or post-indictment detention, and four were being held in administrative detention. While Israel claims to hold dear the rights of the Palestinian minors it arrests and puts on trial, the opposite is true: the rights of these minors are routinely and systemically abused from the moment of their arrest.

21 March 2018

The Military Courts

New B'Tselem Report: Violation of the Rights of Palestinian Minors by Israel’s Military Courts

B’Tselem today (20 March 2018) published a new report – Minors in Jeopardy: Violation of the Rights of Palestinian Minors by Israel’s Military Courts – which analyzes the changes that Israel said it made in the last decade, purportedly to improve the treatment of Palestinian minors in military courts in the West Bank. The report reveals that while serving as useful for propaganda, these technical changes have not improved the protection of minors’ rights. Israel continues to ignore the basic principles that guide juvenile courts within Israel and throughout the world, and especially the principle of “the child’s best interests,” and the understanding that incarcerating a minor must always be a measure of last resort. Israel has not introduced any changes to the early stages of the process – i.e., the minors' arrest and interrogation – although these phases are crucial to determining the minors’ fate. At these times, the minors are cut off from their environment and held without their parents or legal counsel, surrounded by adults who represent the occupying power. This continues in the interrogation, which is often carried out hours after the arrest, by which time the minors are hungry and exhausted. The interrogators subject them to threats, shouting and even violence until they manage to extract a confession from them, or allegedly incriminating statements against others. In 2009, Israel established the Military Juvenile Court, which it views as a landmark achievement in the protection of minors’ rights in the military court system. In reality, the new court changed nothing of substance. For one thing, the juvenile court does not hear requests to remand minors in custody, which are heard in the regular courts. Secondly, its function is primarily to sign off on plea bargains already reached between the defense and the prosecution outside the courtroom. This relieves the prosecution from requirement of presenting evidence to prove the allegations set forth in the indictments. Many defendants sign the plea bargains, having been left little choice by the military courts’ detention policy: most minors are held in custody from the time of their arrest until they finish serving their sentence. Carrying out an evidentiary trial from within prison is fraught with difficulties, and the defendants know that if convicted, they will be sentenced to prison anyway, as no alternatives exist. Even in the extremely unlikely case that they are acquitted, the time they spent in custody throughout the trial may be just as long, or even longer, than the time they will spend in prison under a plea bargain. Israel also claims to have shortened the length of time minors are held in custody in order to increase judicial review of their detention. In fact, this has driven up the frequency of remand hearings, in which the judges almost always remand the minors in custody. Increasing judicial review can only be meaningful in a system that exercises real judicial review of every decision regarding detention, and which views detention as an exceptional means that must be used only as a last resort. Yet the detention of Palestinian minors is standard procedure in the military courts, and presumptions set by the military judges mean the minors are remanded to custody in almost all cases. Hundreds of Palestinian minors are at the mercy of the military courts every year. According to figures the Israel Prison Service (IPS) provided to B’Tselem, on 28 February 2018 the IPS had 356 Palestinian minors in custody: 95 of them were serving a prison sentence, 257 were in pre- or post- indictment detention, and four were being held in administrative detention. Creating a false façade of a fair legal system that purports to safeguard the rights of minors tried in its courts serves a political goal: legitimizing the occupation and silencing criticism of it. In the military courts, and the military juvenile court is no exception, the procedures and orders are formulated by Israelis, with no input by Palestinians. They are implemented by soldiers, judges and prosecutors, all uniformed Israelis who represent the occupying power’s interests. In this system, Palestinians are always the suspects, defendants and convicts. With a conviction rate of almost 100%, the military courts can never be a neutral arbiter. On the contrary, they are one of the state’s major mechanisms of occupation, used to oppress the Palestinian population and quell any resistance to Israeli control. Behind this façade is a regime of occupation that has gone unchecked for fifty years, violently harming millions of people every day. No law, military order, procedure or sentence can obscure this truth.

20 March 2018