The Gaza Strip

Israel: End Ban on Human Rights Monitors

IDF Denies Human Rights Watch, B'Tselem Access to Gaza

(Jerusalem, February 22, 2009) - Israel continues to obstruct independent investigations into allegations of laws of war violations by the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) and Hamas military forces in Gaza by preventing independent human rights monitors from entering Gaza, Human Rights Watch and B'Tselem said today. After submitting applications for permission to enter via the Erez crossing in January 2009, the groups faced continued delays from the IDF unit reviewing the applications. In February, the IDF told Human Rights Watch that it had rejected its application. The Israeli military denied B'Tselem's first request to enter Gaza and has failed to respond to a second.

“Israel's refusal to allow human rights groups access to Gaza raises a strong suspicion that there are things it doesn't want us to see or the world to know about its military operation there,” said Sarah Leah Whitson, Middle East director at Human Rights Watch. “If Israel has nothing to hide, why is it refusing to allow us in?”

Human Rights Watch requested permission to enter Gaza on January 5. After weeks of delay, the IDF rejected the application on February 9, on the grounds that Human Rights Watch “was not registered with the [Israeli] Ministry of Social Affairs.” On all previous occasions, including several times in 2008, Israeli authorities permitted Human Rights Watch staff to enter and leave Gaza via the Erez crossing. The IDF never previously suggested such a requirement for access to Gaza, and Human Rights Watch is not aware of any such Israeli law or regulation. The IDF has not responded to Human Rights Watch's requests for clarification.
 
Israel does not allow Jewish citizens of Israel, other than security forces, to enter Gaza on the grounds that their security would be at risk. B'Tselem, the Israeli Information Center for Human Rights in the Occupied Territories, on January 20 requested permission from the IDF to allow the organization's fieldwork director (a Palestinian citizen of Israel) to enter Gaza. The IDF refused the request nine days later. B'Tselem submitted an additional request on January 29 for entry for three staff members and an international consultant. The Israeli military has not responded to this request.   

Human Rights Watch and other international human rights groups were able to enter Gaza via Egypt in late January to carry out initial investigations. The international researchers left Gaza just before February 5, when Egypt had announced it would close the Rafah crossing. The IDF had told Human Rights Watch that because its researchers had entered Gaza through Rafah, they would not permit the researchers to exit through Erez.

B'Tselem has not managed to gain access for its Israeli or West Bank staff, or for international consultants. Only the organization's two field researchers, who are residents of the Gaza Strip, have been able to conduct research on the ground.

“Israel puts itself in the same league as Burma, North Korea, and Syria in keeping out independent human rights monitors,” said Jessica Montell, executive director of B'Tselem. “The people of Israel deserve to know the truth about the conduct of our forces in Gaza. It is also in Israel's best interest that the full picture comes out.”

The IDF prevented journalists from entering Gaza during the 22-day military operation, called “Operation Cast Lead,” even after an Israeli Supreme Court ruling on January 2 ordered the state to allow entry to members of the Foreign Press Association.
 
Since the escalation of fighting in Gaza on December 27, 2008, both Human Rights Watch and B'Tselem have documented serious violations of international humanitarian law by Israel and Hamas. On January 10, Human Rights Watch exposed Israel's unlawful use of white phosphorus in civilian areas, an allegation the IDF initially denied but now claims to be investigating. B'Tselem has expressed grave concern over violations of the principles of proportionality and distinction, including the deliberate targeting of civilian installations, such as government ministries and the Palestinian Legislative Council. Both organizations have, for over two decades, documented violations of international human rights and humanitarian law in Israel and the Occupied Palestinian Territories.

Article 6 of the Human Rights Defenders Declaration ensures that everyone has the right, individually and in association with others, “To know, seek, obtain, receive, and hold information about all human rights and fundamental freedoms.”

In addition, the apparent blanket denial of access to Gaza by human rights groups violates the right to freedom of movement. Although human rights law permits restrictions on freedom of movement for security reasons, the restrictions must have a clear legal basis, be limited to what is necessary, and be proportionate to the threat.

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Palestinians queue for meals in Fafah, in the south of the Gaza Strip. Photo: Mohammed Zaanoun, Activestills, 23 Dec. 2023

The Gaza Strip

Israel is committing the war crime of starvation in the Gaza Strip

Today, (Monday, 22.4.2024) Israeli human rights group B’Tselem is issuing a new position paper, Manufacturing Famine. The organization concludes, based on various reports from international bodies about the situation in Gaza and on testimonies gathered by B'Tselem's field researchers, that for months, Israel has been committing the crime of starvation under international law in the Gaza Strip.The severe hunger that has developed over recent months in the Gaza Strip is not a result of fate, but the product of a deliberate and conscious Israeli policy. It has been openly declared by decision makers, including a member of the Israeli war cabinet, from the very beginning of the war. In the document, B’Tselem reviews the current scale of the hunger crisis in the Gaza Strip, its short and long term impacts, Israel’s conduct with respect to this issue and the legal implications of this conduct. We rely on the most recent figures and data available.Reducing masses to begging for food and using starvation as a method warfare requires utter dehumanization. Sadly, the dehumanization of Palestinians in Israeli society has accelerated in recent months.

22 April 2024

מבנים שהחריבה ישראל בצפון הרצועה, בסמוך לגדר שבין הרצועה לישראל. צילום: סוזאנה ורה, רויטרס, 18.2.24

The Gaza Strip

Establishing a “security zone” in Gaza is a war crime

During the very first month of the war in Gaza, in early November 2023, Israel started working on a buffer zone inside the Gaza Strip. According to media reports, it will be about one kilometer wide, stretch along the entire border with Israel, about 60 kilometers, and feature military posts, paved roads and surveillance devices. The area will be off limits to Palestinians – even those who lived or cultivated fields in it before the war.To create the buffer zone, Israel is currently destroying almost everything in the area it has designated for it, including residential buildings, public structures such as schools, medical clinics and mosques, fields, groves and greenhouses. A soldier involved in this work described it as “flattening everything”. Reservist testimonies confirm that the demolitions are carried out to clear the way for a security zone rather than as a response to intelligence information or findings in the field. Only buildings belonging to UNRWA or donated by the European Union, such as water reservoirs and wastewater treatment facilities, are left standing.Satellite images published by the media reveal the immense damage caused by the military, including the demolition of entire residential neighborhoods and public buildings hundreds of meters from the border, and the destruction of extensive farmland in other areas. According to a study by Adi Ben Nun of the Geography Department at the Hebrew University, by 17 January 2024, the Israeli military demolished 1,072 of 2,824 structures located a kilometer or less from the border, most of which were homes. Bin Nun says the most densely populated area being cleared is near Khan Yunis, where, within a one-kilometer range from the border, 704 of 1,048 buildings – almost 70% – have been demolished. Corey Scher of City University of New York and Jamon Van Den Hoek of Oregon State University put the damage even higher, estimating at least 1,329 buildings in this area have been destroyed.The destruction in Beit Hanoun is a case in point. Satellite images show an entire neighborhood ruined, including more than 150 residential buildings, schools and two hospitals. The surrounding farmland was destroyed, too. Another example of this policy is the town of Khuza’a, which lies opposite the Israeli kibbutz of Nir Oz and has homes closest to the border. The military demolished the entire town, including residential buildings and mosques, as well as surrounding farmland and greenhouses.Israel has not officially admitted its intention to create a “security zone” along the border. The IDF Spokesperson and other official sources have repeatedly claimed the massive demolition is a response to Hamas actions and that all affected homes, roads and farmlands were “terrorist infrastructure.” For example, in response to an article on the planned buffer zone, the IDF Spokesperson stated that Hamas“unlawfully embedded military assets inside densely populated civilian areas... The IDF identifies and destroys terrorist infrastructure located, among other things, within structures in these areas. In some cases, entire neighborhoods in the Gaza Strip have become combat complexes used for ambushes, command, control centers, weapon depots, combat tunnels, observation posts, firing positions, booby-trapped homes and roadside explosive devices.”However, other official statements clarify that Israel considers establishing a buffer zone as crucial for civilian defense. According to one statement by the military, it “is part of the imperative actions that are needed in order to implement a defense plan that will provide improved security in Southern Israel”. The IDF Spokesperson explained that the military was demolishing buildings in Gaza as part of the buffer zone effort.Yet, this cannot justify widespread demolition inside Gaza and the creation of a “security zone.” The demolitions carried out by Israel for this purpose are unlawful and constitute a war crime: they are a preventive measure intended to thwart a future threat, and demolition for such purposes is absolutely prohibited.International humanitarian law, which determines what parties to hostilities may – and primarily may not – do, allows targeting military objects only. To be considered a legitimate target, an object must meet two criteria: it must make an effective contribution to military action, and its destruction must provide a clear military advantage to the attacking side. This requires examining the actual use of the buildings and areas demolished, and not their potential future use.Destroying private property is permissible only in highly exceptional cases. It is explicitly prohibited, among other things, as a means to deter, intimidate or retaliate against the civilian population, or to deliberately cause prolonged or permanent damage. In addition, the extensive scope of destruction carried out by Israel violates a basic principle of international humanitarian law, proportionality, which prohibits actions that cause excessive harm to persons not participating in hostilities and their property, relative to the military advantage expected from the action.Creating a “security zone” inside the Gaza Strip is not a new idea for Israel. Even before the war, the military restricted Palestinian access to areas located some 300 meters from the perimeter fence, treating them as “no-go zones,” though Israel never officially announced this policy or clarified to the Palestinians precisely where access was restricted. The ban was nevertheless enforced by the military through open-fire regulations that allowed shooting Palestinians present in those areas even if they posed no threat. From September 2005, when Israel implemented “disengagement plan” to 6 October 2023 (excluding periods of fighting), at least 88 Palestinians who did not participate in hostilities were killed in these areas. The military has also enforced the ban by spraying herbicides on crops near the fence.Israel’s policy profoundly altered the area along the border. Before the ban, residents cultivated fruit trees and grazed sheep and cattle there. After the ban was imposed, farmers switched to crops that require less care and which the military cannot argue obstruct its field of vision, such as wheat, barley, beans and vegetables.Creating a “security zone” within the Gaza Strip will drastically change the area, with long-term implications. It will shrink the territory of Gaza, already one of the most crowded areas in the world. Thousands of residents will be unable to return home, communities will be destroyed, and entire lives built over years will be ruined. The widespread damage to farmland will also affect food production capacity in Gaza, harming farmers’ livelihoods and the future nutrition of Gaza residents.Nazih Abu Rabi’, a 50-year-old father of seven, lived about a kilometer from the border. When the war began, he fled his home and is currently in Deir al-Balah. In late January, a relative told him the military had destroyed his home and olive grove, along with about 20 homes nearby. What he said to B’Tselem field researcher Khaled ‘Azayzeh illustrates the impact of Israel’s policy:I wasn’t surprised when my nephew told me, but I felt deep sorrow because I lost all my property after years of effort. I put everything I earned into building the house, which was demolished in seconds. I was planning to build another floor for one of my sons, and to build another house on my plot of land. I’m very worried, because I don’t know if we will be able to go back to our land and build there again. I was born and raised on that land, and my father and grandfather before me. I have no other home.”

21 February 2024