East Jerusalem

The village of al-Walajah: Dispossession and Home Demolitions

17 February 2022, updated 5 April 2022

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Homes in al-Walajah fenced off by the Separation Barrier built on village land. Above: The East Jerusalem neighborhood (settlement) of Gilo. Photo by Matan Golan

The village of al-Walajah, which is home to nearly 3,000 residents, now lies on a ridge south of Refaim Valley, near Beit Jala. It was originally located on the other side of the valley, near the current location of the Israeli moshav communities of Ora, and its lands spanned nearly 18,000 dunams (1,800 hectares). In 1949, as part of the armistice agreement between Israel and Jordan at the end of the 1948 war, al-Walajah residents left the village. Some relocated east, establishing a “new” al-Walajah on village lands spanning about 6,000 dunams (600 hectares) that remained on the other side of the Green Line. In 1967, after occupying the West Bank, Israel annexed about a third of this area to Jerusalem’s municipal boundaries.

About half of the 6,000 dunams al-Walajah residents held onto after 1949 were exploited by Israel for its own purposes beginning as early as the 1970s. Some were expropriated to build Gilo – a settlement neighborhood inside Jerusalem’s city limits. Others were seized by military order to build the settlement of Har Gilo.

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The Separation Wall built by Israel between the village of al-Walajah and the Har Gilo Settlement. Photo by Matan Golan
The Separation Wall built by Israel between the village of al-Walajah and the Har Gilo Settlement. Photo by Matan Golan

The Jerusalem Municipality never provided local government services to the part of al-Walajah annexed to its territory, and refused to approve masterplans for it. Lacking any other choice, over the years, the residents built homes without permits. The neighborhood of 'Ein Jozah, located in the annexed part of the village, now has about 1,000 residents. Of the neighborhood’s 60 structures, 38 have pending demolition orders issued by the Ministry of Justice Land Enforcement Authority. The remaining 22 structures were also built without permits, and potentially face a similar fate. If the current demolition orders are implemented, 380 people will lose their homes. The demolition orders rely on the Kaminitz Law, which lays hefty fines for individuals who build without a permit or fail to demolish their own homes. In 2018, village residents submitted a petition to the High Court demanding the demolition orders be cancelled and a masterplan prepared for the part of the village included within the municipal boundaries of Jerusalem. The court issued an interim order pending a ruling in the petition. In a hearing in late March 2022, the court extended the interim order for another six months so the authorities could look into the possibility of preparing a masterplan. 

Through the years, village residents prepared their own masterplans, first with the help of Jerusalem architect Claude Rosenkovitch and later with help from NGOs Bimkom and Ir Amim. Every single plan was rejected by the municipal and district planning committees. In January 2021, the District Planning and Building Committee rejected another plan submitted by village residents, claiming the village lands hold “great scenic and environmental value, with a contiguity of open areas and ancient, extraordinary agrarian cultural values” which the plan undermines.

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Homes with pending demolition orders in 'Ein Jozah, a neighborhood of al-Walajah; the East Jerusalem neighborhood (settlement) of Gilo is seen in the background. Photo by Matan Golan
Homes with pending demolition orders in 'Ein Jozah, a neighborhood of al-Walajah; the East Jerusalem neighborhood (settlement) of Gilo is seen in the background. Photo by Matan Golan

The “scenic and environmental value” the committee mentioned refers to the unique terrace farming used by village residents. However, Israeli authorities bring up this reason only to block Palestinian construction and development. These values are never factored in when it comes to settlement development. For instance, 25 years ago, Israel built the al-Walajah bypass road on non-annexed village lands, providing Gush Etzion settlers access to Jerusalem until the Tunnel Road was built. The land for the road was seized using military orders and without any approved plans. The Gush Etzion regional council has recently submitted a plan for “regularizing” the road, which includes both legalizing and expanding it, and is a prerequisite for a 560-home expansion plan in the settlement of Har Gilo. The new structures would straddle al-Walajah from the west. The proposed road, which protrudes into Jerusalem city limits, is described in the plan as a traffic artery that would serve “both populations.” In practice, however, residents of al-Walajah would not be able to benefit from it, as they are prohibited from taking this road to enter Jerusalem. The plan was submitted to the Civil Administration Supreme Planning Council without an environmental impact report, geological surveys or hydrogeological surveys, despite the risk of landslides and rock avalanches in the area and the possible collapse of the road itself, as noted in objections to the plan filed by Bimkom on behalf of the village council.

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Ruins of a family’s home demolished by the Jerusalem municipality in 'Ein Jozah neighborhood. Photo by Matan Golan
Ruins of a family’s home demolished by the Jerusalem municipality in 'Ein Jozah neighborhood. Photo by Matan Golan

Similarly, damage to the unique ancient terraces in the area did not bother the Israeli authorities when they began construction work on the Separation Barrier northwest and south of 'Ein Jozah, and on the surrounding land, in 2011. In that case, the Society for the Protection of Nature in Israel (SPNI) made a rare intervention and filed an expert opinion objecting to the route of the barrier in the area. The opinion described the scenic terraces, which date back to the middle of the first millennium, as a cultural asset that preserves traditional terrace farming. The SPNI advocated for preserving the area and declaring it a world heritage site. It also proposed relocating the barrier to the route of the al-Walajah bypass road, near the old train tracks leading into Jerusalem. In August 2011, the High Court dismissed the petition al-Walajah residents filed against the route of the barrier.

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 Ancient agricultural terraces on al-Walajah land before the construction of the Separation Barrier. Photo: Eyal Hareuveni, B'Tselem, 5 November 2010.
Ancient agricultural terraces on al-Walajah land before the construction of the Separation Barrier. Photo: Eyal Hareuveni, B'Tselem, 5 November 2010.

The Separation Barrier, which in that area mostly takes the form of a nine-meter-tall concrete wall, was built on about 500 dunams (50 hectares) of al-Walajah village land. It has left residents with a single route in and out of the village, and has cut them off from farmland where they grew olive and almond trees. The residents must now coordinate access to these lands with the military in advance, and are granted access only during the olive harvest season, through a single gate located in nearby Beit Jala. The barrier has also obliterated shepherding in the village, as it has greatly reduced available pastureland and cut off access to freshwater springs in village lands that remain on the other side. In addition to all these, serious drainage issues caused by the barrier have further harmed the ancient terraces.

Constructing the barrier also cleared the way for the Israel Nature and Parks Authority and for the Jerusalem Development Authority to advance the Emek Refaim National Park plan north of al-Walajah, touted as a metropolitan park intended to “benefit Jerusalem residents.” The plan was approved by the District Planning and Building Committee in July 2013, and the park was inaugurated in early 2018. It spans an area of about 5,700 dunams (570 hectares), 1,000 of which are al-Walajah village land. The park’s main attraction – the ‘Ein Khanya freshwater spring – used to be the village’s main source of water, which residents used for irrigation and leisure. Only two springs remain in al-Walajah today. Both require ongoing, costly drainage work. Unable to bear the cost, al-Walajah residents stopped using these, too, and now rely on water from a reservoir that the Palestinian Authority built near the Everest Hotel in Beit Jala to serve the communities of Beit Jala, al-Walajah and al-Khader.

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Planning Policy in the West Bank

A day of destruction in the West Bank: 22 people, including 15 children, lost their home in a single day

Yesterday (Tuesday, 23 November 2021), Israel embarked on a large-scale demolition campaign throughout the West Bank, in which it destroyed and confiscated dwellings, tents, livestock enclosures, buildings under construction, a road, and even a structure intended for burial. Twenty-two people, including 15 children, lost their homes in one day. Some of the demolitions were captured on video: Filmed by: Nasser Nawaj'ah, Hamdan Hamdan, 'Eid Hazalin, 'Amer 'Aruri Jerusalem Area: Israel demolishes three homes of six people, including three minors At around 6:00 A.M., Civil Administration personnel and Border Police officers arrived at the neighborhood of Wadi al-Humos, an eastern extension of Zur Baher in East Jerusalem. The forces bulldozed three buildings: a two-story building that was home to a family of five, including three minors, and a building that was home to one person. From there, the forces moved to the other side of the Separation Barrier and demolished a four-story building under construction that included three apartments. At around 6:00 A.M., Civil Administration personnel and Border Police officers arrived at the neighborhood of Wadi al-Humos, an eastern extension of Zur Baher in East Jerusalem. The forces bulldozed three buildings: a two-story building that was home to a family of five, including three minors, and a building that was home to one person. From there, the forces moved to the other side of the Separation Barrier and demolished a four-story building under construction that included three apartments. South Hebron Hills: Israel demolishes home under construction and burial infrastructure At around 10:00 A.M., Civil Administration personnel arrived with a military and Border Police escort to the village of Khirbet Ma’in in the South Hebron Hills. The forces bulldozed a house under construction that was home to a family of eight, including six minors. At around 1:00 P.M., the forces arrived at the village of a-Deirat, east of Yatta, and demolished a seven-room concrete structure intended for burial. Ramallah Area: Israel demolishes residential tent and confiscates agricultural structures Later that day, Civil Administration personnel came with a military escort to the community of Ras a-Tin, east of Ramallah, and dismantled and confiscated three tents that served as livestock enclosures. From there, they continued to ‘Ein Samia where, at around 2:30 P.M., they demolished a residential tent that was home a family of eight, including six minors. They also dismantled and confiscated two livestock enclosures. Nablus Area: Israel razes section of agricultural road recently renovated in ‘Asirah al-Shamaliyah At around 11:00 A.M., Civil Administration personnel came with a military escort to an existing agricultural road that the Palestinian Ministry of Agriculture and the ‘Asirah al-Shamaliyah Municipality began paving with asphalt about two months ago. The forces razed a 500-meter-long section of the road and placed seven dirt mounds at the entrance to the road from Nablus to prevent its use. The road is used by the residents of ‘Asirah al-Shamaliyah to reach their farmland and also connects the town to Nablus. The wave of demolitions expresses the perception of the Israeli regime, which holds that land is a resource intended primarily to serve the Jewish population. This regime uses a variety of administrative, planning and bureaucratic tools to implement this concept. Governments come and go, but the apartheid regime remains untouched.

24 November 2021

הגדר ליד בית בית סאחור. צילום: אייל הראובני, בצלם, 24.6.19. בתמונה הקטנה - עבאדללה ר'יית' (באדיבות המשפחה)

Open-Fire Policy

Egregious shootings receive official backing once again: Israeli Border Police kill 15-year-old and wound another Palestinian as they tried to cross Separation Barrier

At about 7:30 A.M. on the morning of the last Friday of Ramadan, 31 May 2019, seven members of the extended Gheith family set out from by car Hebron to Jerusalem to attend prayers at al-Aqsa Mosque. Luai Gheith – 45, a married father of nine who owns a factory in Hebron ¬– was behind the wheel. With him in the car were his son ‘Abdallah (15), his three daughters – Shaimaa (16), Tartil (14) and Daniyah (12) – his niece Sirin (14) and his nephew ‘A. (18) During Ramadan, Israel allowed more Palestinians into Jerusalem for prayers than usual, but young men between the ages of 16 and 30 were still barred entry. Therefore, Gheith’s nephew, ‘A., would not be allowed through the checkpoint. Gheith drove towards the Mazmuriyeh/a-Nu’man checkpoint northeast of the Palestinian town of Beit Sahur, to drop off ‘A. and ‘Abdallah near the Separation Barrier, at a spot about 700 meters from the checkpoint. The plan was that they would climb over the barrier and meet the rest of the family on the other side, as many Palestinians do. The Separation Barrier in that area is made up of concertina wire at ground level and a chain link and barbed wire fence that is several meters high. The concertina is separated from the main fence by a path several meters wide. B’Tselem’s investigation found that at around 8:00 A.M., Luai dropped off his son and nephew next to the barrier. Ten or so young men were already there, waiting for a chance to climb over. ‘Abdallah and ‘A. did not see any security forces nearby and decided to make the attempt. They climbed over the concertina wire onto the buffer path. At that point, ‘A. spotted a Border Police officer standing on the other side of the main fence. He jumped back over the concertina wire and shouted to ‘Abdallah to flee. At that point, Border Police officers fired two 0.22-caliber bullets at ‘Abdallah, one of which hit him in the chest. ‘Abdallah managed to leap back over the concertina and run several meters away before collapsing. Luai Gheith, who was still there, drove them to al-Hussein Hospital in Beit Jala. The medical team tried to save ‘Abdallah, but in vain. In a testimony he gave B’Tselem field researcher Musa Abu Hashhash on 1 June 2019, Gheith described the pain of losing his son: I raised my son for fifteen years, and I still can’t believe that he was martyred in the blink of an eye. He didn’t do anything wrong. He just wanted to get to al-Aqsa Mosque for prayers on the last Friday of Ramadan. He was daring and I think that’s what got him killed. He was in a rush to get to al-Aqsa and didn’t wait like the other young men. ‘Abdallah was a good boy. He was cheerful and everyone loved him. He used to help me at work after school. He loved his family and was always joking around with his sisters. I can still see him cracking jokes with them and with my niece in the car that morning. He was so excited to be going to pray at al-Aqsa on the last Friday of Ramadan. The Israeli police officer who shot him doesn’t know any of that. Nor does he know anything of the shock and heartache he caused me and my wife and my daughters, or that we will never find comfort again. About half an hour to an hour earlier, at the same spot, Border Police shot and injured M.T., a 20-year-old Palestinian from the village of Hadab al-Fawar, south of Hebron. M.T., who works at a book and stationery store, had gotten there at around 5:30 A.M., also planning to cross the Separation Barrier so he could go to al-Aqsa Mosque for prayers. In a testimony he gave B’Tselem, he said he waited until after 7:00 and then tried to cross. After climbing over the concertina wire, he heard what sounded like gunshots fired with a silencer. He jumped back across the wire and gained some distance before realizing he had been hit in the stomach. M.T. was taken by private car to Beit Sahur and from there by ambulance to al-Hussein Hospital in Beit Jala, where he underwent surgery. He was discharged a week later. In both cases, Border Police fired at the upper body of individuals merely for trying to cross the Separation Barrier to get to prayers in East Jerusalem: 15-year-old ‘Abdallah Gheith was killed and M.T., was hit in the abdomen. There can be no justification for this type of gunfire, with its predictably fatal consequences. It shows just how little the lives of Palestinians count in the eyes of both the officers in the field and the entire chain of command that allows such actions to take place. Israeli media quoted Border Police officials as saying that Gheith and M.T. were shot with crowd control measures. Yet 0.22-caliber bullets are live ammunition for all intents and purposes and, therefore, cannot be considered crowd control measures. In theory, the military acknowledges this fact: A full decade ago, the MAG stated in a letter to B’Tselem that 0.22 bullets would be used only in instances that justified live fire, i.e., only in cases of mortal danger to security personnel or others. In practice, lethal use of 0.22-caliber bullets continues, and they are still perceived as a means of crowd control. Based on past experience, no one – neither the officers who killed ‘Abdallah Gheith and injured M.T., nor persons higher up the chain of command, including those responsible for formulating the orders and regulations – will be held accountable. Moreover, Israel will not have to pay damages to the families, having passed legislation conveniently barring Palestinians from any viable option of suing the state for damages. Was the shooting of 15-year-old ‘Abdallah and 20-year-old M.T. criminal? Absolutely. It was entirely unjustifiable. Neither ‘Abdallah nor M.T. posed any danger. Nor could they have posed any danger as they were: in broad daylight, caught between concertina wire on one side and a high barbed wire fence on the other, facing Border Police officers who were armed and ready and in protective gear. This is not a case of mortal danger, or in fact of any danger at all. Under such circumstances, the use of weapons capable of causing serious injury and even death – as has been done before and as the officers did here – cannot be justified on any moral or legal grounds. The fact that the predictable and deadly outcome of this egregious conduct is met by public indifference and that the conduct receives the full backing of all official bodies demonstrates just how little worth is accorded Palestinian lives.

24 June 2019

The village of Beit Iksa. Photo: Arij GIS unit, 21 Feb. 2011

Restrictions on Movement

Isolated: Israel cuts village of Beit Iksa off from East Jerusalem and the rest of the West Bank

The Palestinian village of Beit Iksa lies northwest of Jerusalem, within the West Bank but outside the municipal jurisdiction of Jerusalem. Over the years, land surrounding the village and some plots of land owned by villagers were seized for the establishment of Ramot Alon, a settlement that functions as a neighborhood of East Jerusalem, and Har Shmuel, a neighborhood in the settlement of Giv’at Ze’ev. In 2010, fifty more dunams of village land were confiscated for the Tel Aviv Jerusalem railway. According to a 2007 West Bank census, some 1,900 people live in the village. Many of them are residents of Jerusalem who have Israeli identity cards. Unlike other Palestinian villages in the area, which are surrounded by a fence separating them from Israel, the eastern side of Beit Iksa – which faces the neighborhood of Ramot – is not fenced in. It lies only several hundred meters away from the Israeli neighborhood, separated from it only by a valley. However, the village is separated from nearby Palestinian communities by an electronic fence along its northwestern side that connects to the Separation Barrier. In 2009, Ha’aretz reported that the Israeli government had decided in 2006 to leave the village on the Palestinian side of the Separation Barrier – although according to the original route of the barrier, it was set to remain on the “Israeli” side. According to the article, the reason for this decision was the fact that Beit Iksa overlooks the area of Ramot and Highway 1 and that land previously purchased by Israelis lies adjacent to the village. However, no fence was erected between Beit Iksa and Israel; instead, Israel put up the electronic fence around the northwestern part of Beit Iksa, which the security establishment has defined as “temporary”. In 2008, Israel began setting up flying checkpoints on the outskirts of the village. In 2010, a permanent checkpoint was installed some four kilometers northwest of the village center, toward the neighboring Palestinian village of Bidu. The checkpoint controls the only entrance into Beit Iksa. Since then, Israeli security forces have allowed only people registered as village residents on their identity cards or bearing a special permit to enter the village. The special permits are issued upon completion of a security background check and are largely reserved for people who work regularly in the village, such as teachers and employees of the local medical clinic. The Israeli authorities also issue temporary permits in what they term “humanitarian cases”, such as family celebrations or funerals and mourning rituals, but then, too, restrict the number and age of persons allowed into the village. In 2010, along with the installation of the permanent checkpoint at the entrance to the village, Israel also closed off the road leading from the village to Jerusalem via Ramot with a gate that remains closed. This has extended travel time from the village to Jerusalem by at least half an hour, as residents who hold Israeli identity cards now have to drive to Ramallah and from there to Qalandia checkpoint in order to enter the city. Consequently, the villagers are cut off not only from the rest of the West Bank but also from Jerusalem, which used to be their historical center of life in the district. Since 2010, some fifty families with Israeli identity cards have left the village due to their forced isolation from Jerusalem. These families, which number some 600 people according to local council estimates, have retained their assets in the village, are still registered as its residents, and periodically come back to visit. The checkpoint the military installed at the entrance to Beit Iksa. Photo by Iyad Hadad, B’Tselem, 7 June 2016. The severe restrictions on access to the village make it difficult for local businesses and residents to receive wares and equipment. Many suppliers are not permitted to enter the village, so clients have to go to the checkpoint to collect their goods. Some suppliers are allowed in after a process of coordination with the village council or with the Palestinian Authority, but even they are sometimes delayed at length or ultimately denied entrance. Village residents coming home with goods purchased elsewhere are also delayed at times, although there is no official restriction on bringing merchandise into the village. The Israeli authorities chose not to build the Separation Barrier along the Green Line in the area, instead annexing the village de facto to Jerusalem. However, they also aim to prevent Palestinians from the West Bank from entering Israel via Beit Iksa. The solution they found, to impose draconic restrictions on anyone wishing to enter the village, reflects absolute prioritization of Israeli interests over protection of the Palestinian residents’ rights. The severe restrictions have turned Beit Iksa into an isolated community, and this isolation makes it very hard for the village residents to maintain social and family ties and to access workplaces and other services in East Jerusalem and throughout the West Bank. The restrictions also make it difficult for workers, suppliers and other service providers to enter the village, disrupting daily life there and curtailing the council’s ability to provide residents with basic services. These arbitrary, draconian restrictions deny the residents of Beit Iksa the ability to lead reasonable daily lives and cause severe harm to the entire village. The closed gate the army installed on the road from Beit Iksa to Jerusalem, in the top right – the fence around Ramot. Photo by Iyad Hadad, B’Tselem, 15 August 2016 Over the past two years, B’Tselem field researcher Iyad Hadad collected testimonies from people who live and work in the village about the impact of these restrictions on their lives: Ahmad Faqih, 31, from the neighboring village of Qatanah, drives a bus on the Beit Iksa-Ramallah line. On 26 July 2016, he related the difficulties that he and the passengers encounter upon reaching the checkpoint: I’m not from Beit Iksa but from the neighboring village, Qatanah. They let me through the checkpoint because I’m the bus driver. But every now and then they are especially strict, and then they harass me and don’t let me in. In 2014, during the attack on Gaza, that happened five or six times. I had to call the other bus driver to come to the checkpoint and pick up the passengers. There are no official regulations at the checkpoint, only informal practices that have become standard procedure. I’m ordered to stop twenty meters before the checkpoint and wait for a sign from one of the guards. That usually takes a few minutes, but sometimes it takes longer – depending on the mood of the guards or on current security events. After the guards give me the signal, I drive up to the inspection point and all the passengers get out except the elderly. A guard gets on the bus, checks the identity cards of passengers who stayed inside, and makes sure they are all who they say they are and over seventy years of age. Anyone younger is told to get off the bus. Sometimes, they allow sick people or mothers with babies or little children to stay on the bus. The rest of the passengers line up outside. A guard stands at the door of the bus and the passengers come up to him one by one and show their identity cards. He only lets residents of Beit Iksa and the elderly – even if they are not from Beit Iksa – back onto the bus. The age limit varies according to the guard’s mood. Sometimes it’s anyone over fifty, but it can also be over 55 or sixty. It usually takes them about ten to twenty minutes to check all the cards, depending on the number of passengers. On days when they’re strict, it can take hours. Ahmad Liqianiyah, 29, from Beit Iksa, related in a testimony he gave on 28 June 2016 how he had to hold his wedding outside the village: I got engaged two-and-a-half years ago. My wife, Layali Diab, comes from the village of ‘Arura near Ramallah. The engagement dragged out because it took about a year and a half to change her address to Beit Iksa so she could come live with me. The first request I filed was rejected, so I had to hire a private lawyer for about 530 US dollars. In the end, my wife was only granted the address update after we got married and submitted our marriage certificate. We had the wedding in my wife’s village in June 2015. We couldn’t have it in Beit Iksa because the guests weren’t allowed into the village. But since we had it in ‘Arura, an hour’s drive away, a lot of people from my village couldn’t attend. The wedding was expensive because we had to hire buses and other vehicles to transport the guests, and the wedding hall in ‘Arura cost me much more than it would have cost to have the wedding in Beit Iksa. We got over all the hurdles around the wedding, but then the real suffering began. It’s been especially hard for my wife, who feels that she is slowly losing touch with her family. Since we got married, her parents are the only members of her family who have managed to visit her in the village. Even that was only allowed after council members coordinated it for them. Her parents have only visited us six or seven times in two years. The security situation makes it impossible from them to come sometimes. It’s the month of Ramadan now, and it’s customary for parents to visit their daughter and in general, for relatives to pay visits to each other. Because of the checkpoint, we don’t have many visitors – only our closest relatives, and even then only those who manage to get into the village. It makes us feel cut off and socially isolated. My wife is about to give birth and I ask myself: what will our children’s lives be like? What sort of relationship will they have with their extended family? If my wife stays here in the village, how can her family help her with the children and stay in touch with her? Shahinaz ‘Abdallah, 46, lives in Beit Iksa with her husband and their five children. In a testimony she gave on 23 July 2015, she explained the impact of the authorities’ refusal to update her address on her daily life: I grew up in Jericho and married Iyad, a relative of mine from Beit Iksa, in 1992. At first we lived in al-‘Eizariyah, close to my husband’s workplace, and registered as residents of there. Our children were born and went to school there, and we had a house. But we kept in close touch with my husband’s family in Beit Iksa and with my mother, who had moved there too and is registered as a resident of the village. I have a sister and cousins in Beit Iksa, too. My children went there often, and we also used to visit on weekends and spend our summers there. We built a house in Beit Iksa to make it easier to visit and not inconvenience my in-laws. We lived like that until 2010, when Israel announced that it was going to put up a checkpoint at the entrance to the village and let only local residents in. We thought of our relationships with my husband’s parents and all our family in the village and were afraid they wouldn’t let us in any more. So I moved with the children to our house in Beit Iksa, and my husband stayed in al-‘Eizariyah, close to where he works. He visits us on the weekends. Since we moved to the village, we’ve submitted several requests with the Palestinian Ministry of the Interior to update our address, so we can get through the checkpoint without any hassle. My husband got his updated quickly because he was born in the village. My request was denied, and at first so were the children’s. The Palestinian Ministry of Interior told us that the Israelis had refused without giving any explanation. In the meantime, my older kids have been updated as residents of the village, but I’ve submitted four or five requests that were all denied. It makes my life miserable. I’m afraid to leave the village alone, because on my way back in I’m detained and questioned – why did I come, to whom am I related in the village, and so on. They check on the phone that I really live there. I’m usually kept at the checkpoint about fifteen to thirty minutes, supposedly for inspection. I have to argue with them until they let me in. At first I worked as a teacher at al-Jib, a village nearby. I’m also studying at Al-Quds University and am deputy director of the Women’s Association for Beit Iksa’s Development, so I have to travel a lot. I cannot be dependent on my husband to enter and leave the village. Beit Iksa Boys’ High School. Photo courtesy of the school. Mwafaq Mansur, 47 is a resident of the village of Bidu and the principal of the boys’ school in Beit Iksa. In a testimony he gave on 28 April 2015, he described how the checkpoint affects the school routine: I’ve been the principal of the boys’ school at Beit Iksa since 2004. I never had any trouble getting to the school and back but since they put up the checkpoint, I can only get into the village thanks to a document stating that I work at the school. They are 24 people who work at the school, and only eight of them are registered as residents of Beit Iksa. Almost every week, one of the teachers is kept at the checkpoint and allowed in late, or not at all. Permission to enter or leave the village depends on the mood of the guards and the police officers at the checkpoint. It’s impossible to even consider bringing in services from outside, such as a technician to fix the photocopy machine. The situation certainly interferes with the school. When a teacher is late or denied entry, the students miss a class. It weakens the entire school, creates confusion and disrupts the schedule. In the long run, you see the results in the students’ grades. When a teacher is kept out, we either have to find a substitute or I step in to replace him, as school principal. Fatimah Milo al-‘Ein, 32, from the village of Qatanah, works with a regional program for the rehabilitation and integration of people with disabilities. In a testimony she gave on 2 June 2015, she described how the restrictions on entering Beit Iksa make it difficult to do her job: I work in a community-based rehabilitation program for people with disabilities that is coordinated with local authorities, village councils and the Red Crescent. People with physical and mental disabilities take part in the program. I work in several villages in the area. We offer educational activities to raise awareness among people with disabilities and their parents. We also refer people to tests in special centers, counsel and train parents, help adjust homes to special needs, and integrate children into preschools, schools, and other centers. Thirty people with disabilities who live in Beit Iksa are registered with us. According to my work plan, I’m supposed to visit the village once a week, but because of the checkpoint I think several times before going there. I always worry that I won’t be allowed in because I’m from Qatanah. I’m often detained or denied entry to the village. Last March, for instance, I went to Beit Iksa with a specialist in diagnosing speech and learning impediments who came from Ramallah. We were held at the checkpoint for an hour and a half on the grounds that we weren’t registered as residents of Beit Iksa, even though I showed them my employee card from the Palestinian Red Crescent that always gets me into the village. Eventually we had to get the head of the council to intervene in order to let us in – which they agreed to do only on the condition that we left our identity cards at the checkpoint until we left. We arrived late at the preschool and only had time to examine some of the children on our list.

17 August 2016